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THE HISTORY OF

KATHIAWAD

INDIA UNDER CURZON AND
AFTER

By LOVAT FRASER

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LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN

\i r

KriNS OF A TEJirLE AT (iHUJILI

THE HISTOET OF

KATHIAWAD

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES

CAPT. H. WILBERFORCE-BELL

LATELY POLITICAL AGENT, SORATH

(AUTHOR OF "SOME TEANSLATI0N8 FKOM THE
UABATHI POETS," ETC.)

WITH A PREFACE BY

THE HON. MR. C. H. A. HILL

C.S.I., CLE., I.CS.

(MKMBEK OF COUNCIL OF THE GOVEENOE-

GENESAL IN INDIA)

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP

LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN

• » »^ fcl I I I I

UCIXS oy A TKMI'I.K AT (.III MM

THE HISTORY OF

KATHIAWAD

FEOM THE EARLIEST TIMES

CAPT. H. WILBERFORCE-BELL

LATELY POLITICAL AGENT, SORATH

(AUTHOE OF " SOME TRANSLATIONS FROM THE
MAEATHI rOKTS," ETC.)

WITH A PREFACE BY

THE HON. MR. C. H. A. HILL

C.S.I., C.I.E., I.C.S.

(MEMBER OF COUNCIL OF THE GOVEENOR-
GENERAL IN INDIA)

WITH ILLUSTBATIONS AND A MAP

LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN

imii

mmmm

WCo4lk.

London, William ffeinemann, 191«

TO
MY WIFE

T
I

1/1
o

PREFACE

When the important part played by the Province of
Kathiawad in the history of the Rajputs and of Western
India is borne in mind, it is extraordinary how Uttle has
been written on the subject. In ,the present work we
have an attempt to bring within the covers of one book a
synoptic view of the history of Kathiawad from pre-
historic times down to the present day. Captain Wilber-
force-Bell, the author, has evidently used to good purpose
the very little spare time which falls to the lot of political
officers serving in the province, and the pages of his book
bear testimony to a very considerable amount of research
work on his part as well as to a capacity for bringing
together events in such a manner as to -present, as far as
possible, a consecutive story of the diverse races which
from time to time have entered and either passed through,
or settled in, this interesting peninsula.

The geographical position of Kathiawad accounts for
the circumstance that, with the exception of the Punjab,
it has been the most frequented thoroughfare into India
of India's early invaders. Scythians, Greeks, Rajputs
and Mahomedans have utilized this Western promon-
tory of India as the doorway to the promised land. If
early historians may be believed, some of these invaders
settled contentedly in what were then the rich plains
of the province, while others passed on their way into
the heart of India or retreated, after devastating the
country. But the result has been that there is hardly a

iHi

clan of Rajputs in Rajputana which does not either trace
its origin through this province or claim connexion with
it either through conquest from the north or through
intermarriages.

In Chapter IV Captain Bell deals with what is known
as the Walabhi dynasty of Rajputs and gives a fairly
comprehensive account of the condition of that dynasty
during a period of some three hundred years. It would
have been interesting, had it been possible, for the author
to trace the connexion between Walabhipura and Raj-
putana more directly than has been possible with the
space at his disposal. Readers of Tod's " Rajasthan "
will remember some of that great historian's speculations
in connexion with the rise of the Sisodia clan of the
Rajputs, and will remember how Bappa Rawal claimed
descent from a race having its first Indian habitat at or
near Walabhipura, or, as Captain Bell calls it, Walabhi-
nagar. It is to be hoped that some future investigator,
with the constantly increasing materials which become or
may become available, will see his way to tracing more
closely than has been done in this book the chain con-
necting the oldest clans of Rajputana with the early
invaders who passed through Kathiawad and Sind.

As we come down to more modern times, it is possible
to be more precise in the matter of tracing origins ; and
in Chapter VI Captain Bell has given an interesting
account of the coming of the Jhala Rajputs, as handed
down traditionally in Kathiawad. He indicates there
that the Jhalas, through their habitat in Sind, are probably
able to claim Greek descent, but, even if this hypothesis
was not proved to be established, it is fairly clear that
this race was at all events intermingled with the Greek
dynasties of the Sind valley and North- Western Punjab.

In connexion with the advent of the Kathis to Kathia-
wad, which took place about the eleventh century, the

viii

PREFACE

author is able incidentally to indicate the extraordinary
difficulty in making a consecutive narrative of the stirring
events which have occurred in the province. One race
after another, either ejected from elsewhere or impelled
by the lust of conquest, made its irruption into the penin-
sula ; and the action of the Marathas in changing the
old name of Saurashthra to Kathiawad was perhaps
justified by the circumstance that from the time of the
incursion of the Kathis in the eleventh century, they
have been the most constant factor in the kaleidoscopic
events of the province. It is not necessary, perhaps, to
attach unqualified credence to the rumours regarding the
origin of this interesting race ; but it is of importance,
even at the present day, to have some knowledge of the
traditions which resulted in some of the most curious
tribal customs obtaining in India. Thus, the marriage
customs of the two chief branches of the Kathis, the
Sakhayat and the Awaratya, are full of interest to his-
torians of feudal times ; and, though one need not agree
in holding that they indicate a model of democracy, at all
events they form a system which was exceedingly well
adapted to render possible the continuance of a social
system based on the principle of equal division of property,
as opposed to the system of primogeniture. Difficult
problems come up for decision at the present day directly
arising from these marriage customs. A member of the
Sakhayat, or landowning, branch of the Kathis invari-
ably marries into the Awaratya or landless class. A male
Awaratya marries a female Sakhayat, and she brings with
her to him a marriage portion from the landed estate of
her father sufficient to maintain her in requisite dignity
during the period of her lifetime. On her decease that
marriage portion lapses again to the landed estate of her
father's family.

The events narrated in this work demonstrate the

niiiiiiiiii

PREFACE

extraordinary difficulties which confronted the British
Government when circumstances, and the treaties with
the Peshwa and Gaekwad, compelled our intervention in
the early days of the nineteenth century. In his work
on the " Protected Princes of India,'* the late Sir William
Lee-Warner described the position of the native States of
India when the Pax Britannica was imposed as analogous
to that of stormy waters suddenly petrified into the
shapes which they had taken at the moment of our
intervention. It was Colonel Walker's business, in fact,
to settle matters in such fashion that, so far as practicable,
the position and powers of the various States in Kathiawad
should remain precisely as they were at the moment of
our coming, and to effect agreements perpetuating, with
due regard to just claims, the actual facts of the situation
as he found them. But it can quite easily be imagined
that, though his work was performed with extraordinary
skill and with a wonderful degree of accuracy in regard
to rights and titles, there remain to the present day
questions for adjustment in reference to periods even
antecedent to 1808. An interesting instance of the
survival of difficulties and troubles owing to the constant
disturbances prevailing during the seventeenth, eighteenth,
and nineteenth centuries is one of the consequences of
the events in the State of Jamnagar which are described
in Chapter XII of this work.

Enough has been said to give some idea of the breadth
and diversity of the interests which surround the history
of the province of Kathiawad. It is a merit of the present
work that it brings into focus and presents in the form
of a consecutive narrative events which, though occurring
in one corner of India, had their origin, and often their
ultimate results, in far distant parts of Asia and even
Europe. The book is one which should be perused by,
and hold the interest of, all those who are engaged in

PREFACE

political work in India as well as all students of the
evolution and development of the country. It sum-
marizes our knowledge, so far as it has extended, of the
traditions and facts of the past, and it is perhaps not too
much to hope that it will stimulate other officers of
Government, who may have the opportimity, to further
research with a view to adding to the information at our
disposal. All lovers of the Province of Kathiawad and
of its chiefs and people will, as I do, give a cordial wel-
come to Captain Wilberforce-Bell's book ; and I feel sure
that those chiefs themselves will gratefully recognize the
service which the author's industry has done to their most
interesting country.

C. H, HILL

May 28, 1915

~^^,SWPy?^-^^-'^-'^'?:-

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

Introductory : Geographical : Ancient towns ; Anarta : Shri Krishna in
Saurashtra ; Holy places

CHAPTER II

(327^184 B.C.)

Epigraphic Inscriptions : Alexander the Great : The Magadh Empire :
Chandragupta Maurya : Saurashtra under Asoka : The Asoka stone
at Junagadh : Translations of the Edicts : Death of Asoka

PAGE

CHAPTER III

(184 B.C.-A.D. 470)

The Sunga dynasty : The Saka dynasty : The Western Kshatrapas :
The Sudarsana Lake at Junagadh : Second inscription on Asoka
stone : The Jasdan stone : List of Kshatrapa rulers : The Andhras :
The Gupta dynasty : Saurashtra under the Guptas : Third inscrip-
tion on Asoka stone 22

CHAPTER IV

(A.D 470-760)

The end of the Gupta dynasty : The Walabhi dynasty : List of Kings
of Walabhi : Raja Harsha of Thanesar : Walabhi overthrown :
Hiouen Tsiang : His account of Walabhi : Copper-plate inscriptions 37

CHAPTER V

(A.D. 875-1026)

The Rajputs : Jethwas : Chaoras : Walas : Ahers : Mers : Rabaris or
Babrias : The Chudasama Ras of Wanthali ; R^ Chud^ ; Ra Gra-

• • ■

Xlll

CONTENTS

FAOX

hario I : Junagadh : Mulraj of Anhilwad defeats Ra Grahario :
Ra Kawat : Ra Dyas : Capture of Wanthali by the King of Anhil-
wad : Ra Noghan : Mahmud of Ghazni destroys Sonmath Temple :
Al Biruni : Description of Sonmath 47

CHAPTER VI

(a.d. 1026-1415)

Ra Khengar I : The Jhalas : Limbdi : Wankaner : Wadhwan : Chuda :
Lakhtar : Sayla : The Kathis : Ra Noghan II moves his capital to
Junagadh : Ra Khengar II invades Anhilwad : Siddha Raj conquers
Junagadh : Ala-ud-din Khilji, Emperor of Delhi, sends an army
into Gujarat and Saurashtra : Alaf Khan destroys Somnath
Temple : The Gohels : Mahmud Taghlak Shah captures Jimagadh :
Encamps at Gondal : Muzafar Khan captures Wanthali : Sacks
Sonmath : Becomes Sultan of Gujarat : Effects of Mahomedan
authority

CHAPTER VII

(A.D. 1415-1526)

Ra Jayasinha : Ra Mandlik III : Sultan Mahomed Khan Begarah
attacks Ra Mandlik at Jimagadh : Captures him and forces him
to become a Musahnan : Ra Mandlik dies at Ahmadabad : Mahomed
Begarah conquers Dwarka : Attacks Kuwa : Death of Waghoji
Jhala : Foxmding of Halwad : Ranoji Jhala usurps Jhalawad :
Diu : Death of Mahomed Begarah

CHAPTER VIII

(A.D. 1504-1572)

The Portugese in India : Desire to control trade of Western India :
Naval action off Diu : Mansinhji defeated and exiled : Pardoned
by Sultan Bahadur Shah : The Portugese capture Mangrol :
Sultan Bahadur Shah flees to Diu : Permits the Portugese to
build a fort, and then regrets having done so : Assassinated at
Diu : The Jadejas : Diu fort besieged by Mahomed Khan III :
And by Khoja Zulgar : Portugese firmly established at Diu :
Disorder in Gujarat : Dhrol : Morvi : Rajkot : Gondal : Raisinhji
Jhala attacks Dhrol : The Emperor Akbar captures Gujarat

xiv

CONTENTS

CHAPTER IX

(a.d. 1572-1692)

Confusion in Saurashtra : Mirza Khan repulsed at Junagadh : Sultan
Muzafar Shah escapes from captivity : Obtains help in Saurashtra :
Flees to the Barda Hills : Battle of Buchar Mori : Junagadh
besieged : Imperial Fouzdar placed at Junagadh : Muzafar Shah
at Dwarka : Flees to Kachh : Returns : Commits suicide at Dhrol :
Death of Emperor Akbar : Chandrasinhji Jhala : Kathi raids :
Mirza Isa Tar Khan appointed Fouzdar : Origin of " Kori " : Peace
in Saurashtra : Than plundered

PAQi:

105

CHAPTER X

(a.d. 1692-1760)

The Marathas attack Gujarat : The Jethwas build a fort at Porbandar :
Marathas enter Saurashtra : Attack Sihor : Dhrangadhra built by
Raisinhji Jhala : The Babi family : Marathas in Saurashtra :
Sheshabhai Jhala conquers Sayla and establishes himself there :
Sheikh Mian seizes Mangrol : Sher Khan Babi : The Marathas
conquer Gujarat : Gajsinhji Jhala defeated by the Marathas : The
Nawabs of Junagadh : The province renamed " Kathiawad " :
Maratha dominion 121

CHAPTER XI

(a.d. 1760-1784)

Amarji Kunvarji, Dewan of Junagadh : Enters Junagadh service :
Meraman Khawas, Dewan of Nawanagar : Wakhatsinhji Gohel of
Bhavnagar : Amarji captures Verawal from Sheikh Mian of Man-
grol : Sher Zaman Khan of Bantwa attacks Junagadh : Kutiana
captured by Amarji : Amarji successfully attacks the Mianas of
Malia : Plots against Amarji : He is degraded : Sheikh Mian invades
Junagadh territory : Amarji recalled : Positra fort attacked by
Amarji and Meraman Khawas : Rebellion at Junagadh : Amarji
fights a drawn battle with Marathas at Jetpur : Rana Sultanji :
Combined attack on Amarji : Battle of Panchpipla : Meraman
Khawas defeated : Amarji assassinated at Junagadh

XV b

135

■iiiiiil

CONTENTS

CHAPTER XII

(a.d. 1756-1807)

Meraman Kliawas established in power at Nawanagar : Attacks Positra :
Successfully fights the Kathis : Defeats Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan :
Dada Khachar : Confederacy of Jadejas against Meraman : Fateh
Mahomed invades Nawanagar from Kachh : Battle of Pardhari :
Jam Jasaji's condition : Nawanagar invested by Rao Rayadhanji
of Kachh : Peace of Dhiunao : Death of Meraman Khawas : Marathas
at Junagadh : Raghunathji Amarji, Dewan of Junagadh : Is
expelled : Rana Sultanji captures Chorwad and Verawal : Arabs
mutiny at Junagadh : Raghunathji imprisoned : Kalian Sheth :
The Marathas levy a treble tribute

PAGE

149

CHAPTER XIII

(a.d. 1772-1807)

Wakhatsinhji Glohel of Bhavnagar : His policy : Captures Jhanjhmer :
Mahuva : Rajula : Jasa Khasia : The Khuman Kathis of Kundla :
Nawab Hamed Khan aids them against Wakliatsinhji Gohel :
Wakhatsinhji captures Chital : And Jasdan : Unadji Gohel of
Palitana : Hada Khuman plunders Bhavnagar villages : Wakhat-
sinhji successfully resists the Marathas : Battle of Loliana : Attacked
by Nawab Hamed Khan and the Kathis : Peace terms arranged :
Wakhatsinhji pacifies the Kathis : The Marathas repulsed at Sihor

166

CHAPTER XIV

(a.d. 1807-1808)

Colonel Walker's settlement : Reasons for British entry into Kathiawad :
Condition of affairs and the coimtry on Colonel Walker's arrival :
Jam Jasaji obtains Kandorna : Is requested to surrender the fort :
British policy and reasons for insisting on restoration to Rana
Haloji : Jam Jasaji refuses : Kandorna seized and handed over to
Porbandar : Settlement of Morvi, Nawanagar, Gohelwad, Porban-
dar, Junagadh, Halar, the Kathis : Jafrabad : Effects of the annual
Maratha incursion to collect tribute

xvi

178

CONTENTS

CHAPTER XV

(A.D. 1808-1822)

Porbandar affairs : British officer murdered at Gop : Modpur fort
besieged : Amreli and Kodinar passed to the Gaekwad of Baroda :
Fateh Mahomed makes his last attack on Nawanagar : Famine :
Intrigue : Trouble in Junagadh : Death of Wakhatsinhji Gohel
of Bhavnagar : His character : Jodia captured by Colonel East :
A British agency established at Rajkot : Jam Ranmalji of Nawana-
gar : The Kathis again break out : Hada Khuman raids Wanda :
Junwadar looted : Hada Khuman killed : Jetpur Kathis' com-
plicity : Death of Champraj Wala : Captain Grant captured by
Bawa Wala : Kept in the Gir Forest : Released : The habits of
outlaws

FAQB

190

CHAPTER XVI

(A.D. 1822-1869)

The Kathis again active : They raid Bhavnagar villages : Wajesinhji
anxious for peace : Sadul Khasia attacks Palitana : Surroimded
in the Gir Forest, but escapes : Junagadh accused of harboiuring
outlaws : Champraj Wala captured : Peace generally in the pro-
vince : Wagher outlaws : Affairs in Junagadh and Bhavnagar :
Council of Regency in Junagadh : The young Nawab's difficulties :
The Waghers again give trouble : They capture Okhamandal :
And Kodinar : Death of Jodho Manik : Formation of levies : Fight
at Tobar : Captains Hebbert and La Touche killed : Death of Mulu
Manik 205

CHAPTER XVII

(A.D. 1868-1879)

Conferment of salutes : Foimdation of Rajkumar College laid at Rajkot :
Porbandar State made third class : Government administration in
Bhavnagar : Rajkumar College opened by Sir Seymovu: Fitz-
Gerald : Establishment of the Rajasthanik Court : Nathu Manik,
outlaw : Kathiawad Chiefs attend the Imperial Assemblage at
Delhi : Titles in use in Kathiawad : Joint administration in Gondal :
Mr. Gawrishankar Udayashankar, C.S.I., Dewan of Bhavnagar :
The Nagars of Kathiawad : First construction of railways

xvii

221

ittM

CONTENTS

CHAPTER XVIII

(a.d. 1880-1896)

Talukdari Girassia College at Wadhwan : Maya troubles in Junagadh :
Movar Sadhwani, outlaw : Is pursued and finally captured : The
Makranis of Inaj defy Junagadh : Are dispersed : Thakor Bhagwat-
sinhji of Gondal visits Europe : Morvi and Gondal States raised to
first class : Prince Albert Victor visits Kathiawad : Imperial Service
troops raised by Bhavnagar, Nawanagar, and Junagadh : Wala
Namori's outlawry : Killed at Karadia : Death of Lieutenant
Gordon : Death of H.H. Sir Bahadur Khanji of Junagadh : Juma
Gand, outlaw : Is killed in Dhrangadhra State : Death of Mr. Chester
Macnaghten

FAGB

238

CHAPTER XIX

(A.D. 1897-1915)

Thakors Sir Bhagwatsinhji of Gondal and Sir Waghji of Morvi receive
G.C.I.E. in E^^land : Opium rules promulgated : Rajasthanik
Court abolished : The great famine of a.d. 1900 : ReUef measiu-es :
Death of Sir Mansinhji of Dhrangadhra : Lord Curzon visits Kathia-
wad : Designations of PoUtical Officers revised : Divisions of the
province : Powers of various classes of Chiefs : Maya Punja's out-
lawry : Is killed near Chuda : Imperial Durbar at Delhi, a.d. 1903 :
Installation of H.H. Jaswatsinhji of Nawanagar : Death of Major
H. G. Camegy : Administration in Porbandar : And in Junagadh :
Imperial Durbar at Delhi of a.d. 1911 : Riots in Porbandar :
Conclusion 253

APPENDICES

1. Early Musalman Governors of Gujarat

2. The Sultans of Gujarat and Saurashtra

3. The Moghal Viceroys of Gujarat and Saurashtra

4. Mahomedan Governors and Fouzdars of Sorath

5. The Babi rulers of Junagadh

6. The Jadeja Rajputs of Kachh and Halar

7. The Gohels of Bhavnagar

xviii

269
270
271
274
276
277
279

CONTENTS

APPENDICES {continued)

8. The Jethwas of Porbandar (also known as Jetwad)

9. The Jhalas of Jhalawad

10. Political Agents (Agents to the Governor) in Kathiawad ; Principals

of the Rajkumar College ; Judicial Assistants to the Agent to the
Governor ; and Inspecting Officers, Imperial Service Troops

11. Political Agents in charge of Prants since a.d. 1902

12. The States of the first three classes in Kathiawad and their rulers,

A.D. 1914

13. The Portugese Governors of Diu from a.d. 1535-1548 and from

A.D. 1900-1914

FAQB

281
283

285
287

289

200

INDEX

MAP OF KATHIAWAD

295
At end of volume

XIX

■ -i

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Ruins of a Temple at Ghumli

The Asoka Stone at Junagadh

Part of a collection of coins of the Kshatrapa Dynasty

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (1) (coloured)

The Temple of Somnath at Prabhas Patan

The Palace at Halwad

The Fort at LHu, from the North-West

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (2) {coloured)

The Uparkot at Junagadh

Memorial Stones of fallen warriors at Chhaya

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (3) (coloured)

The Old Fort at Chhaya

From Frescoes in the Palace at Sihor (4) (coloured)

The Rajkumar College at Rajkot

The Ganga Jalia Tank, Bhavnagar

J. Sladen, Esq., I.C.S., Agent to the Governor in Kathiawad, 1915

Map of Kathiawad

Frontispiece

To face

P-

100

116

132

»>

160

>»

174

>»

190

»»

208

»»

224

250

5 „

264

tend of

volume

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■;;7'ii®'J^^?!!;'?V.'i*'"' ■'• ■^^''^,S^'^,'^?*tif^i " ■ ■

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTORY

On the West of India, between the Gulfs of Kaehh and
Cambay, the ancient and once famous country of Kathia-
wad projects peninsula-Hke into the Arabian Sea.
Kathiawad is the Holy Land of Western India, and from
the earliest times of which we have knowledge it was
" the country flowing with milk and honey " towards
which merchants from Arabia, Turkey, Northern Africa,
and South-Eastem Europe directed their ships and
acquired the wealth to be obtained from trade with the
Indies. To the Greeks and Romans the country was
known as " Saurastrene," and its present name is of
very recent origin. " Saurashtra," the Good Country,
which was the name by which it was known all through
the ages, in the middle of the eighteenth century gave
place to the present appellation. For this the Marathas
are responsible, for they re-named the country after the
tribe from which they experienced the strongest opposi-
tion when engaged in plundering expeditions. The Kathis
themselves are a comparatively recent importation, who
settled in Saurashtra in the fifteenth century after having
been driven out of Kachh. The Mahomedan con-
querors shortened the name to the Prakritized " Sorath,"
and the Southernmost of the four districts into which the
country is now divided still retains that name. But
learned inhabitants still apply the name "Saurashtra"
to the whole province.

It was only in a.d. 1808 that the British Government

1 A

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

P.'

began to make good its footing in Kathiawad, since
which time it has been variously divided into separate
administrative divisions. There are now but four of
these, known respectively as Jhalawad (or the enclosure
of the Jhala Rajputs), Halar, Sorath, and Gohelwad
(the enclosure of the Gohel Rajputs). With the exception
of the civil stations forming the headquarters of the
British political officers in each of the four districts,
Kathiawad consists entirely of Native States — some large
and some very small — and the senior British representa-
tive, known as the Agent to the Governor of Bombay in
Kathiawad, resides at Rajkot, which is the administrative
capital of the province. The total area of Kathiawad is
about 22,000 square miles, while its greatest breadth is
215 miles, and the greatest length about 160. It is
bounded on the North by the Gulf of Kachh, and on the
South and West by the Arabian Sea. The Gulf of Cambay
forms the Eastern boundary of the peninsula, and
between the Gulfs of Kachh and Cambay it lies con-
tiguous to Gujarat. Under the Mahomedans, Kathia-
wad was considered as forming part of Gujarat, and was
under the control of the Viceroy of that province. The
country is very flat and very fertile, but the principal
among its hills are historical as well as geographical
landmarks. In the West the Barda * Hills contain the
ancient town of Ghumli, or Bhumli, once the capital of
the Jethwa Rajput rulers of that part. In the Southern
part of the peninsula are the famous and very holy hills
of Girnar, Datar and Palitana, whilst farther towards the
East the Sihor range occupies a considerable portion of
what is now the State of Bhavnagar. The hills of the
Gir Forest run parallel with the sea between (but to the
South of) the hills of Girnar and Palitana.

Of the rivers, the principal is the Bhadar, which rises

* A Sanskrit word meaning " backbone," so called from the position the
hills occupy.

SOME PHYSICAL FEATURES

in the Mandhav Hills in the centre of the province and
flows South- West until it reaches the sea at Navi Bandar,
in Porbandar State. Its length is nearly 120 miles, and
the land on both sides is extremely fertile. The Shet-
runji River rises in the Gir Forest, and flowing Eastward
through Palitana, empties itself into the Gulf of Cambay.
The Aji takes its rise near the centre, and flows Northward
past Rajkot, emptying itself into the Gulf of Kachh.
There are also other rivers of lesser size and importance,
and Kathiawad is decidedly a well-watered province. It
is remarkable, however, that all the oldest remains are to
be found in the South and South-East, and that portion
is undoubtedly more full of ancient historical associations
than any other part. In fact, it may safely be assumed
that the remainder of Kathiawad was at the best sparsely
inhabited when the Southernmost portions were the home
of an ancient and advanced civilization. The proba-
bilities are that except for these portions the country
was one of forest alternating with waste land, and the
borders of civilization were marked by the Bhadar River
in the North, and the holy places of Madhavpur and
Tulsishyam on the West and East respectively. Along
the coast were the seaports which attracted merchants
from all parts, and which formed emporiums for trade,
of such importance that it is difficult indeed to realize
what their renown as such must have been.

The identifications of the towns mentioned by Alexan-
drian merchants of the first and second centuries have
not yet been altogether satisfactorily established, and
conjecture has been chiefly resorted to by those eminent
archaeologists * who have endeavoured to trace places
from a similarity of names. One town alone seems to be
identified without much possibility of doubt. The
" Monoglosson " of Ptolemy (a.d. 161) has undergone
several changes before attaining its modern name of
* Dr. Lassen, Ck>Ionel Yule, Dr. Vincent.
8

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II

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

" Mangrol." Even now the correct name of Mangrol is
" Manglor," but a century or so ago this was found to
create so much confusion owing to an important seaport
on the Malabar coast of South India bearing a similar
appellation, that a change was effected, and the " Man-
glor " of Saurashtra became effectively transformed by
the transposition of a couple of letters.

The site of the city of Saurashtra, capital of the
province, has never been satisfactorily determined, but
there can be little doubt that it is either Wamansthali
(the modern Wanthali) or Prabhas Patau, which has in
modern times given place to Verawal, its neighbouring
town, as a port. Dr. Lassen fixes on the modem Junagadh
as this site, but this is most luilikely, as for centuries the
capital town of the Chudasama Ras of Junagadh was
Wanthali, which is distant about eight miles from
Junagadh. Junagadh is indeed a very ancient site, and
there are many remains of antiquity to be seen at and
near it. But the ancient town can have been but for
defence, and one of the headquarters of Buddhism. Its
very situation precludes it from being a trading mart,
and, moreover, it does not stand on or near any river.
The site of Bardaxima Colonel Yule identifies with the
modern Porbandar, which is not so ancient a town as
Shrinagar, a few miles distant. The Barda Hills are
hard by, and it may be assumed that the similarity in
names points to some connexion between the two. The
most ancient town in the Barda Hills is Ghumli, now but
a mass of ruins. But it is unlikely this is the site Bar-
daxima stands for, the case of Ghumli being similar to
that of Junagadh as regards its being a place of defence.
It is most likely that Shrinagar could trace its descent
from Bardaxima, were historical records available. The
identification of " Barake " presents many difficulties.
Both Dr. Lassen and Colonel Yule believe it to be the
modern Dwarka. But in doing so they lose sight of the

KATHIAWAD AN ISLAND

fact that the original Dwarka, to this day known as Mul-
Dwarka, lay on the coast about twenty miles East of
Verawal. Beyond its name, the site appears to possess
no historical associations, and has only a very small
temple to mark it. Moreover it lies on an open and
sandy shore, with no traces of a harbour, nor even the
possibilities of such. Further Eastward, however, and
about twelve miles beyond Jafrabad, is situated an
ancient harbour, now known as Bherai. " Barake " and
" Bherai " bear much more resemblance towards each
other than do " Barake " and " Dwarka." From the
Mahabharat we learn that on the death of Krishna the
original Dwarka was destroyed by a tidal wave.

The Baiones Insula Colonel Yule identifies with Piram
Island. An island equally as old, and forming one of a
group of three opposite Bherai harbour, is Shial (or
Jackal) Island. Of late years many ancient remains
have been found on Shial, and idols and other relics of
former days are continually being unearthed. The three
islands forming the group are connected by a rocky strip
at low tide, and if, as is possible, " Baiones " is used in
the plural, nothing is more likely than that the Shial
Island group is referred to by ancient writers. Where all
is conjecture one theory is of as much value as another.

At some very remote period Kathiawad was un-
doubtedly an island. Running almost North and South,
and forming a connecting link between the Rann of
Kachh and the Gulf of Cambay, is a strip of undulating
country known as the " Nal " or " Watercourse." There
is every indication of its having at one time formed the
bed of some mighty river, and there can be little doubt
in the conjecture that the Indus River, which has so
often changed its course, and whose eccentricities are
notorious, once entered the ocean by way of the Gulf of
Cambay. Another interesting point worthy of notice is
that in Kathiawad alone of all the hundreds of thousands

h I.

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

of square miles of which India consists, are lions now to
be found. Cut off from the mainland, evidently in some
far distant age, they throve in the forests of Kathiawad,
while their species over the remainder of India died out
or became exterminated; surviving, however, in one or
two localities until the beginning of the nineteenth
century.

There is little doubt also that Kachh was formerly
considered to be part of Saurashtra, though known
separately as " Anarta." When the Walabhi kings
reigned at Wala, this was the case, but with the fall of
that dynasty in about a.d. 766, Kachh became entirely
separated. From Chinese writings it would appear that
in the fifth and sixth centuries Gujarat also formed part
of Saurashtra. The Chinese traveller, Hiouen Tsiang,
who came to Wala about a.d. 640, recorded the fact that
the boundaries of Saurashtra extended as far as the
Mahi River and that its circumference measured 1200
miles. Within such boundaries the part now known as
Gujarat found a place.

Of the original race inhabiting Kathiawad we have
few traces, and such as exist are merely those contained
in the old Jain writings or other similar records. Much
reliance, however, cannot be placed on these semi-mythical
works, which record that the earliest inhabitants were a
race of demons ! From the ancient Puranas, and other
works of like nature, we are able to gather a few putative
facts about Kathiawad in so far as they have bearing on
Shri Krishna's connexion with that land of Hinduism.
We learn from those that in very ancient times — ^variously
computed as being between the years 1000-1200 B.C. and
3000-4000 B.C. — ^there ruled in Saurashtra a king of the
Solar Race, Rewat by name, at the time when Shri
Krishna was driven out of Mathura by Jarasandha, King
of Magadh, and went to Dwarka. There is also a story
concerning the marriage of Baldeo, Krishna's brother,

,!i i

SOME HOLY PLACES

with Rewati, daughter of King Rewat. From the
Mahabharat we read that after having ruled for several
years in Dwarka, Krishna, to celebrate an occasion of
festival, went to Prabhas Patau, then the Mecca of Hindu
pilgrims, with a large party of family members. At
Patau a quarrel arose among them, which ended in a
fight in which many were killed. After witnessing the
deaths of so many kinsmen, he became exhausted and
lay down luider a Pipal tree by the side of a reservoir
which was near. While he slept, a hunter named Jaras,
mistaking him from a distance for a deer, put arrow to
bow, and with a well-aimed shot killed him. The site of
this tragedy is still marked, and can be seen between the
towns of Verawal and Patau in the Junagadh State. At
Madhavpur, a coast town between Verawal and Porbandar,
Krishna was married to Rukmini, daughter of Bhishmak.
And so, from time immemorial, Kathiawad has been
the land to which all good Hindus, who could take
advantage of the blessings a pilgrimage to the holy land
carried, have come in countless numbers. These pilgrims
have been a source of very material wealth to the pro-
vince, already rich in natural resources. The sect of the
Jains revere the holy hills of Palitana and Girnar, whereas
Madhavpur, Tulsishyam, Dwarka, and Sudamapuri (the
modem Porbandar) have attracted all Hindus of whatever
denomination. Tulsishyam is sanctified on account of
the hot natural springs for which it is famous, while
Dwarka is renowned for its wonderful temples, chief
among which, the Jagat temple, is said to have been
originally built by one of the Gupta kings. Although
there is little to support this theory, still a similarity
between the idol it contains with one in the Temple of
Krishna on Girnar, which is shown in the ancient Jain
records as having been built by one of the Gupta dynasty,
gives some ground for supposing that the author of the
one was also the author of the other.

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CHAPTER II

(327-184 B.C.)

It may be said that the history of Kathiawad is the
history of India in miniature. Especially is this true
when we consider that with the exception of the invasion
of Alexander the Great, all descents upon India which
have occurred throughout the ages have affected the
province either directly or indirectly. It was not likely
that a country so rich and so holy would pass unnoticed
and untouched by conquest. The wealth to be acquired
by possession of the prosperous seaport towns which
carried on such a flourishing trade with foreign countries
was not a thing to be ignored, and so the lust of wealth
which could be collected by a mere raid, or by possessing
its trading facilities, rendered Saurashtra a land worthy
of attention.

The difficulty of tracing a connected history is as great
in the case of the part of India as in that of the whole.
This is so because scarcely at any time has a single ruler
ruled the entire peninsula. The history of India is the
history of each of its component parts, and it is but
natural that that of the most prominent should in a
manner do service for that of the remainder. To record
connectedly the history of each separate small kingdom
would be an impossibility. The sources of information
are so scant that even a general connected account of the
whole is marred by gaps which yet remain to be bridged.
Contemporary literature is too scanty to be of much
service, though an exception must be made in favour of

SOME SOURCES OF RECORD

the Chinese pilgrims, who from time to time visited the
land which gave birth to Buddhism. From coins and
other similar objects of archaeological interest a great deal
can be learnt, and these, combined with the information
obtained from epigraphic inscriptions, are of the greatest
value to the historian. These epigraphic inscriptions are
of several kinds. In Kathiawad the Asoka Stone at
Junagadh is that of most value, and from it we are enabled
to form some idea of happenings in three distinct eras.
The kings of Walabhi were accustomed to give grants
of land by means of copper-plates bearing records of such
grants. A great many of these have been recovered
during the operations of well-digging, and during the
construction of other irrigation works. But the want of
chronological data is a constant source of difficulty. For
this reason the Chinese travellers' accounts are of the
greatest value. The minutest details did not escape their
notice, and they recorded accurate information as to
time and place in a manner which suggests they wrote
accounts of their travels for the benefit of future ages.
The works of the Greek writers, too, are not to be despised,
for by means of them it has been made possible to form
a chronological starting-point by determination of the
principal dates connected with the Maurya dynasty, of
which Asoka was the third Emperor of India. Of pre-
historic India the lack of record leaves us almost entirely
ignorant, and history may be said to have been begun
by the invasion of Alexander the Great in the year 327 B.C.
Having completed the crossing of the Hindu Khush and
forced the passage of the Indus, he advanced as far as
the Jhelum River. For various reasons he found it
impossible to continue his advance into India and complete
his conquest, so, after forming a Graeco-Bactrian kingdom
in the Punjab, he sailed with his army down the Jhelum
and Indus Rivers, returning, himself with half the army
by land, and the remainder of his forces under Nearchos

MfeMM

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

by sea, to Susa. With his death at Babylon, in 323 B.C.,
passed away one who might have been the first king of
the whole Indian peninsula had not the difficulty of
preserving intact a line of communication of enormous
length through a recently conquered country necessitated
such a reduction of his forces as would have left too small
an army with which to subdue the nations ready to oppose
his advance. Alexander did not visit Kathiawad, but he
came very close to it, and very probably, indeed, recon-
noitred the coast of Anarta (Kachh), which then formed
part of Saurashtra.

Previous to Alexander's invasion the principal kingdom
of Northern India was that of Magadh, which now forms
the province of Behar. On its borders was the kingdom
of Kosala, the modern Oudh, and in these two countries
Buddhism took its rise. The philosopher, Gautama
Buddha, died an old man in about 477 b.c, during the
reign of Ajatasatru, King of Magadh, and shortly after-
wards the King of Kosala, after some fighting, was worsted
by his more powerful neighbour, who from that time held
prior place without dispute. Kosala became part and
parcel of Magadh, and the Magadh kings continued to
add to their power and conquests. In about the year
434 B.C. the eighth ruler of the Magadh dynasty founded
the city of Patliputra (Patna) on the site of a fort of the
same name which had been built by the sixth of his line.
Patliputra thus became in course of time the capital
of a mighty empire. In the year 322 B.C., Chandragupta
Maurya, a young adventurer of the Magadh house, raised
the standard of revolt against the Greek power in the
Punjab. Being successful in this venture, he turned his
attention towards Magadh, from which country he had
been exiled, and, having dethroned and slain the king,
himself seized the throne. Raising an enormous army,
he completely subjugated all Northern India as far South
as the Narbada River, and appropriated the title of

THE MAURYA EMPERORS

Emperor of India. He divided the empire into four
provinces, and in the Westernmost one Saurashtra was
included, the headquarters of the province being at
Ujjain. We learn from one of the inscriptions on the
Asoka Stone at Junagadh (a translation of which will
follow in its proper place) that during Chandragupta's
reign Syena Pushyagupta was Governor in Saurashtra,
and built the famous Sudarsana Lake, all trace of which
is now lost. This man was Chandragupta's brother-in-
law, and it is likely that the governors of the principal
provinces constituting the kingdom were all members of
the Imperial family. During the reign of Chandragupta
Maurya, Megasthenes was the Grseco-Bactrian ambassador
at the Court at Patliputra, and from his writings we get a
trustworthy account of life in Patliputra between the
years 302 and 298 B.C. By Greek writers Chandragupta
was known as Sandrocotus, King of the Prasii, and by
them the strength and excellence of his rule, as also the
main features of his efficient administration, are fully
expounded. The building of the Sudarsana Lake at
Junagadh serves as an example to show that even in
those far-off days the question of irrigation was considered
one of great importance, and that the care of the ruler
for his subjects and their prosperity was far from being
a negligible quantity. Chandragupta Maurya died in the
year 297 B.C., and was succeeded by his son Bindusara,
known to the Greeks as " Slayer of Enemies." The new
Emperor reigned twenty-five years, and when he died, in
the year 272 B.C., he left for his successor, Asoka, an
empire even greater in extent than that which had been
handed down to him on the death of Chandragupta. Of
his reign and times there was no chronicler, but the
Greek's name for him shows him to have followed his
father's footsteps in the path of conquest.

The next Emperor of India began his administrative
career as Viceroy of Western India under his father, and

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

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of this very remarkable man we have many records,
chiefly engraved in stone. It was not until after he had
reigned three years that Asoka was crowned at Patliputra,
and for the first twelve years of his rule he was engaged in
the peaceful administration of his dominions. Before his
coronation he followed the tenets of Brahmanism, but
afterwards he began to favour Buddhism, and became
one of the great figures which adorned that religion.
After the conquest of Kalinga, which took place in 201 B.C.,
Asoka determined never again to engage in pursuits which
brought harm to others, but he chose instead the per-
formance of service to mankind. His great piety mani-
fested itself in the many sets of edicts on rock which he
caused to be cut in various parts of India, and which have
lasted throughout the ages. The endurance of the stone
and characters is only exceeded by the excellence of the
injunctions they contain. From them we get a great
insight into the character of him who is perhaps the
greatest figure in India's history. One of these incised
rocks lies at Junagadh in Saurashtra, about one mile
East of the city, on the road to the Damodarji Tank.
The stone is divided into fourteen irregular parallelograms,
each containing an edict. The whole is in a very good
state of preservation, though the letters are in places
indecipherable through having been rubbed by children
engaged from countless ages in sliding down the smooth
surface the rock presents. The language used is pure
Magadhi, which has been translated into Prakrit, Sanskrit,
and English. The several English texts vary slightly,
but are essentially the same. The actual date of the
inscriptions cannot be determined with accuracy. In the
year 249 B.C. Asoka made a tour of the Buddhistic sacred
places. He did not come to Saurashtra, however, and
after visiting various places in the regions near the Hima-
layan Mountains, he went into what is now Nepal and
thence South. In 232-231 B.C. the great Emperor died,

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

of this very remarkable man we have many records,
chieflv engraved in stone. It was not mitil after he had
reigned three years that Asoka was crowned at Pathputra,
and for the first twelve years of his rule he was engaged in
the peaceful administration of his dominions. Before his
coronation he followed the tenets of Brahmanism, but
afterwards he began to favour Buddhism, and became
one of the great figures which adorned that religion.
x\fter the conquest of Kalinga, which took place in 201 B.C.,
Asoka determined never again to engage in pursuits which
brought harm to others, but he chose instead the per-
formance of service to mankind. His great piety mani-
fested itself in the many sets of edicts on rock which he
caused to be cut in various parts of India, and which have
lasted throughout the ages. The endurance of the stone"
and characters is onlv exceeded bv the excellence of the
injunctions they contain. From them we get a great
insight into the character of him who is perhaps the
greatest figure in India's history. One of these incised
rocks lies at Junagadh in Saurashtra, about one mile
East of the city, on the road to the Damodarji Tank.
The stone is divided into fourteen irregular parallelograms,
each containing an edict. The whole is in a very good
state of preservation, though the letters are in places
indecipherable through having been rubbed by children
engaged from countless ages in sliding down the smooth
surface the rock presents. The language used is pure
Magadhi, which has been translated into Prakrit, Sanskrit,
and English. The several English texts vary slightly,
but are essentially the same. The actual date of the
inscriptions cannot be determined with accuracy. In the
year 249 B.C. Asoka made a tour of the Buddhistic sacred
places. He did not come to Saurashtra, however, and
after visiting various places in the regions near the Hima-
layan Mountains, he went into what is now Nepal and
thence South. In 232-231 B.C. the great Emperor died,

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THE EDICTS OF ASOKA

but the place of his death has not yet been determined
with certainty. His son Mahendra, and his daughter
Saudhmittra, had left Ujjain when their father was
Viceroy of the Western province, and had journeyed to
Ceylon, where they were the means of the introduction of
Buddhism into that island. Other missionaries were also
sent into all the countries contiguous to the Maurya
Empire, and even further afield. For in the thirteenth
edict we read that the Buddhist tenets were known in
Syria, Egypt, Macedonia, Cyrene, and Epirus. Some
writers have endeavoured to find a relationship between
Buddhism and the philosophies of Pythagoras, Plato,
and Aristotle, but it is doubtful whether Buddhism ever
obtained any real hold in the countries mentioned above.
The translation of the Edicts on the Asoka Stone at
Junagadh is as follows :

EDICT ONE

This Edict is proclaimed by King Priyadarsin, the
beloved of the Gods. None should here on earth slaughter
any anim.al even for sacrifice, nor should call together
festive assemblies, for in them King Priyadarsin, the
beloved of the Gods, remarks many sins. Still the King
Priyadarsin, the beloved of the Gods, looks with favour
on the gatherings ordained by his father. In the kitchen
of mine. King Priyadarsin, the beloved of the Gods, many
thousands of animals were daily slaughtered for food,
but to-day when this Edict is sent forth only three animals
are being killed for food, two peacocks and one deer. But
even this deer is not necessarily to be killed, nor even all
the three shall afterwards be killed.

^/ck-t trf

EDICT TWO

In the whole dominion of King Priyadarsin, the beloved
of the Gods, as also in the adjacent countries such as
Chola,* Pandya,t Satyaputra, Kefalputra,J all as far

* Kanchi. f South India. % Malabar.

IS- • '

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

as the Tamraparni,* even in the country of Antiochus the
Grecian king, and among dependent kings, King Priya-
darsin, beloved of the Gods, has ordered two things : the
caring of the sick of man and the caring of the sick of
cattle. And at all places where useful healing herbs for
man and cattle were wanting he has caused them to be
brought and planted. Also he has caused wells to be
dug and trees to be planted on the roads for the benefit
of men and cattle.

EDICT THREE

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, orders twelve
years after his coronation that " everywhere in my
dominions, whether under my direct control or in foreign
lands, all my loyal subordinate officers and vassals should
every five years be thus ordered, being called together^
to go on tour for this purpose, viz. for carrying out this
Edict and for other business as well. That it is pious
or meritorious to be obedient to father and mother and
to protect men of one's own caste, to give gifts to Brahmans
and ascetics, to abstain from killing living creatures and
from prodigality, and to be fearless in all acts. Thus
will those in my service also be tried in their attachment."

EDICT FOUR

Since a long time past during many hundreds of
years, sacrificing of animal life and inflicting sufferings
on created beings, want of sympathy for caste fellows and
want of respect for Brahmans and ascetics, have gone
on increasing. But now the virtue which King Priya-
darsin, beloved of the Gods, practises is proclaimed far
and wide with beating of drums. People have been led
to virtue in a manner not known for many hundreds of
years by the Edicts of King Priyadarsin, beloved of the
Gods, being called together by various things like celestial
cars, elephants, fire-balls and other attractive spectacles.
King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, has promoted
and will promote the sparing of animal life, the gentle

• Ceylon.

ASOKA APPOINTS PRECEPTORS

treatment of created beings, respect for relatives, respect
for Brahmans and ascetics, obedience to Father and
Mother, obedience to elders, and many other acts of
virtue. The sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons of
King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, shall also increase
this culture of virtue. They shall exhort to virtue,
standing steadfast in virtue and morality until the end
of time. To exhort to virtue is surely a very excellent
work, while from the immoral no virtue is to be expected.
Growth, therefore, in these things and no diminution is
good. For this purpose, that they may cause the growth
of this matter, and not behold its diminution, has this
(Edict) been written. King Priyadarsin, beloved of the
Gods, has caused this to be written twelve years after his
inauguration.

EDICT FIVE

The beloved of the Gods, King Priyadarsin, thus
proclaims : to do good is difficult and he who does good
does certainly a very difficult act. I have done much
good. Let all my work in that behalf be carried out by
my sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons and others of
my posterity until the end of time. They will thereby
do good. He who shall cause this command to be set
aside shall commit great sin. Sin in deed is easily com-
mitted. Previously there were no ministers of religion,
but such officers are appointed by me in the thirteenth
year of my inauguration for the purpose of presiding
over morals among persons of all persuasions for the sake
of increase of virtue among the people of Yavan, Kamboja,
Gandhara, Rashtrika * and Pitenihen, and . . . those
who may be or may not be devoted to my cause . . .
for the happiness of the faithful . . . and for warding
off imprisonment and capital punishment . . . they are to
superintend among Government officials as among elders.
Also in Patliputra and abroad . . . others of my relatives
are sent everywhere. This practice which is initiated is
very . . . ministers of religion. For this end has this
Edict been caused to be written.

* In the South of India. ' ^ - ^^ * '' ' ' " "

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

EDICT SIX

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, says : In
past times there has never yet existed care for civil
interests nor arrangements for hearing complaints. There-
fore have I instituted the same. All the time I have been
reigning there have been placed everywhere persons
appointed to hear complaints in the apartments of women,
in sanctuaries, in parks and in similar places, in order
that they should know the wants of my people and report
them to me. In all respects I further the interests of
my people. In whatever I declare by word of mouth . . .
or whatever I entrust to my ministers or preceptors . . .
I always reconsider. . . . This have I everywhere and
at all times commanded. For to me there is no satisfac-
tion in increasing litigation. Litigation is necessary only
for the securing of some civil interest. I consider it my
duty to do good to all, but would attend to quarrels only
so far as they tend to settle any disputed interest. I have
no other business but the little effort I am constantly
doing for the good of all. Thus do I wish to discharge
somehow my debt to all beings . . . that they may attain
heaven. This Edict has been caused to be written for
this purpose. Would that I should look after it for long.
Let my sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons after me
also labour for universal good, which is difficult without
the utmost exertion.

EDICT SEVEN

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, desires that
everywhere the ascetics of all persuasions should dwell
in peace. He desires in all of them self-control and purity
of soul. But people have different opinions and different
likings. They may do all or a part. Nevertheless for
one who is not able to make large religious gifts, self-
control, purity of mind, gratitude and firm devotion
which lasts for ever, are good.

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■H: I

WORTHY ACTIONS ENCOURAGED

EDICT EIGHT

In past times kings went out on pleasure journeys,
stag-hunting and other such recreations were in vogue.
But King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, ten years
after his inauguration, regards them as improper. There-
fore he here regards as proper and good only those religious
tours in which gifts are bestowed upon Brahmans and
ascetics, elders are seen and served with presents, money
is distributed, people of different countries are seen, virtue
is taught, and inquiries made after it. King Priyadarsin,
beloved of the Gods, looks upon these with favour, and
enjoys also all the other pleasures which accrue to him
as the result of his deeds.

EDICT NINE

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, speaks thus :
It is a fact that men do all kinds of things to assure good
fortune, as well in sickness as at betrothals and marriages ;
at the getting of a son as at going from home. On these
and other occasions men do all kinds of things which are
meant to bring prosperity. But it is a great loss to do
all those manifold, multifarious, vain, and useless things.
This, however, does not remove the necessity of a man's
doing something which will bring prosperity, but such a
kind as has been named is of little use, while true piety
is of great use. To that belongs proper treatment of
slaves and subordinates, reverence for masters, severe
self-restraint towards human beings, sincere charity to
Brahmans and Shramans. These and other like actions
are called truly religious works. This must be taught by
all fathers, sons, mothers, and lords. This is noble. This
must a man do as something that assures prosperity until
his aim is fully attained. Mention was made just above
of sincere charity. Now there is no charity, no goodwill,
to be compared with charity or goodwill springing from
true piety. It is this which a well-meaning friend, relative,
or companion must at every occurring opportunity impress
on another, that this is duty and is proper. These and

17 B

I i

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

many other things, all, must be properly done for obtaining
heaven. May all thus attain heaven.

EDICT TEN

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, does not regard
renown and great name as any great object, for without
heavy sacrifice it never stands long. Let my people follow
the path of virtue and be ever pious. King Priyadarsin,
beloved of the Gods, covets renown or name only for this
world, but whatever little he does is all for the next.
Everjrthing from him is without blemish, and blemish
is nothing more or less than simpleness. Such a thing
is indeed difficult for any one at all, be he of low or of
high degree, unless with the utmost exertion by sacrificing
everything. But this is indeed most difficult for one of
high station.

EDICT ELEVEN

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, speaks thus :
There is no charity which equals religious charity, or
explanation of religious precepts or right liberality, or
religious relation. Under these are included proper treat-
ment of slaves and subordinates, sincere obedience to
father and mother, sincere charity towards friends,
acquaintances, and caste-fellows, giving of gifts to Brah-
mans and Shramans, and the sparing of animal life. This
is to be commended as good, whether by father, or by
son, or by friend, by an acquaintance, or by caste-fellow,
or even by a neighbour. He who acts thus makes this
world a friend to him, and hereafter obtains for himself
an imperishable reward through all his true charity.

EDICT TWELVE

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, honours all
sects, and orders of Monks, and all conditions of heads
of families, and honours them and others with religious
gifts and all kinds of marks of honour. Surely the beloved
of the Gods does not attribute so much to religious gifts

RELIGIOUS TOLERATION ADVOCATED

or marks of honour as to this, that the good name and
intrinsic worth of all sects may increase. The foundation
thereof is the giving them all proper and respectful main-
tenance. In order that one sect may not be praised
at the expense of another, and that there should be no
undue neglect of any, all sects must on all occasions be
honoured. For one so doing adds greatly to the merit
of his own sect and at the same time encourages all others.
One doing otherwise destroys his own sect, and harms
others. Though every one who praises his own persuasion
may perhaps do all that from attachment to his own sect,
so as to glorify it, nevertheless, by so doing, he greatly
injures his own persuasion. Therefore concord is tjbe best
so that all may know and willingly listen to each other's
religion. Because it is the wish of the beloved of the
Gods that the members of all creeds may be well instructed
and obtain blessngs. And to them that are attached to
different persuasions let the assurance be conveyed that
the beloved of the Gods does not attach so much value to
religious gifts or worship as to this, that all sects may in-
crease in good name and intrinsic worth and be reverenced.
For this, ministers of religion, magistrates for the super-
intendence of women, superintendents to treat ascetics,
and other bodies, have been appointed. And the object
of this is that the beloved of the Gods' creed may increase
prosperity, that he may cause virtue to come forth in full
splendour.

EDICT THIRTEEN

. . . must be given. All his men have been killed,
which certainly is a very cruel act. But in the Kalingas,
obtained, the practice of religious virtue has grown very
active . . . the killing, putting to death, or being carried
away by men. Therefore the ruling of the Vedas and
Angas is good. God . . . reverence to mother and father,
sympathy for friends, acquaintances, assistants, caste-
fellows, servants . . . that one of a caste should suffer
some misery is on account of the fault of others, and they
should therefore help him, and bear a share in his mis-
fortunes . . , where men have no faith in any persuasion,

i r

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

and so long as they remain in doubt . . . neither is this
possible. In the dominion of the beloved of the Gods,
all forests are as little trespassed upon as possible and
are thus protected . . . the preservation, self-control,
and pacification of all beings . . . and gentlemen. . . .
The Yawan King * and the four kings, namely Surmaya,t
Antahana,J Maga,§ and Alikasudara.|| . . . thus in all
foreign countries and everywhere is the religious injunc-
tion of the beloved of the Gods followed, where even . . .
glory and glory of virtue are also similar. No joy excelled
the joy consequent on the victory of virtue . . . believes
nothing to be conquered, for conquest and renown are
ever within reach ... in this world and the next . . .
the worship of Sweta (Buddha ?), the securing of the
happiness of all.

EDICT FOURTEEN

King Priyadarsin, beloved of the Gods, has caused
this righteous edict to be written, here plainly, there
moderately, and in a third place at full length. Thus is
everything expressed everywhere known to the great.
Much has been caused to be written, and he shall cause
again to write. Repetitions occur also in a certain measure
on accoimt of the agreeableness of various points, in order
that the people in that way be persuaded to understand
and follow them. If sometimes the one or other is written
incompletely, or out of order, it is because care has not
been taken to make a good transcript, or the stone-engraver
is at fault.

The stone on which the above edicts are carved also
contains two more inscriptions of later dates referring to
the Sudarsana Lake. These will be noticed later.

The outstanding feature in the edicts is their nature.
They are not a moral code, neither are they the outcome

* Antiochus, King of Syria ; died 247 B.C.

t Ptolemy II, King of Egypt ; died 246 B.C.

j Antigonas, Kang of Macedonia ; died 239 b.c.

§ Magas, King of Cyrene ; died 258 B.C.

II Alexander, King of Epirus ; died 262-258 B.C.

THE LAST OF THE MAURYAS

of weak sentimentalism. They may scarcely be called
religious tenets, yet they are based on the idea of the
sanctity of all animal life, as being a part of the Supreme
Being. The next prominent feature is that of sympathy
for religions professed by people other than the subjects
of the Magadh Empire. In fact, " Live and let live,
worship and let worship," may be said to be the guiding
principles of the Emperor's counsel.

Asoka was the last of the Mauryas of fame, and after
his death the Empire began to dissolve. He had several
children whose names have been handed down in legends,
but they must have predeceased their father, for he was
succeeded by his grandson Dasaratha in the year 231 b.c.
From the Puranas we gather King Dasaratha ruled for
eight years, and he was succeeded by five other kings,
the last of whom was killed by his Commander-in-Chief,
who himself usurped the Maurya throne in 184 b.c. and
founded a new dynasty.

I
1 !(

il I

I- J!

CHAPTER III

(184 B.C.-A.D. 470)

With the advent of the new Sunga dynasty, the history
of India began again to change its course. The new
king, Pushyamittra, retained his hold on the Empire he
had usurped, though not without a great deal of fighting
and considerable difficulty. But his successors were
unable to retain their grip, with the result that after the
lapse of about a century the ancient Magadh Empire
became completely disintegrated.

Saurashtra appears to have remained peacefully under
the rule of Pushyamittra until the year 155 B.C., when
Menander, King of the Punjab and Kabul, and a relation
of Eucratides, King of Bactria, (founded in Alexander's
time,) became seized with a desire of emulating, and if
possible surpassing, the prowess of the great Greek soldier,
and marched into India. He conquered and annexed
Saurashtra, and this exploit is recorded by Strabo, who
calls the country *' Saraostos." Menander advanced very
nearly as far as Patliputra, but was finally defeated by
Pushyamittra and obliged to retire. From various his-
torical observations, however, we are enabled to infer
that he still held Saurashtra and Broach for several
years after his repulse, mainly from the fact that Greek
coins of a later date than 153 B.C. were recorded as being
current in Western India for some years.

The Sunga dynasty came to an end in 72 B.C., and in
the years that intervened between the withdrawal of
Greek arms from Western India and that time, various

v -if

KSHATRAPA RULE IN SAURASHTRA

upheavals were taking place in Central Asia which were
destined to have a very direct influence on India.
In 165 B.C. a tribe of nomads, known to history as
" Yuehchi," were compelled to move from North- West
China. Wandering Westwards, they encoimtered the
Sakas, another nomadic race, between the Chu and
Jaxartes Rivers. Being unable to resist the Yuehchi
hordes, the Sakas were obliged to move, and selecting
the point which offered least natural resistance for their
new coiuitry, they entered Bactria and completely
swamped and extinguished the Greek kingdom at some
period between the years 140 and 130 b.c. They appear
to have held only Bactria and Seistan — which became
known as " Sakastene " — ^until the end of the Sunga
dynasty in Magadh and the break-up of the Empire in
about 72 B.C. About this time, it is assumed a portion
of the Sakas occupied Saurashtra and foimded a new
Saka dynasty in that country, which was known as that
of the " Satraps " or " Kshatrapas." Of these Kshatrapa
rulers we have many evidences, chiefly in the form of
coins, from which it has been found possible to trace
their names and the order of succession of many of them.
In addition to the coins we have the evidence derived
from an inscription on the Asoka stone at Junagadh,
which records the bursting of the Sudarsana Lake in
the year 72 of the Kshatrapa dynasty, corresponding
with the year a.d. 150-151. The inscription contains
twenty lines recording the account of the rebuilding of
a dam of the lake which had been washed away during
the previous rainy season. The language is Sanskrit, and
the inscription reads as follows :

To the perfect one. This Sudarsana lake, being
from Girinagar, is beautiful in all respects, having been
supplied with an embankment all round. Strongly faced
with masonry continuously in its length, breadth, and
height, so as to rival the very hill region. Possessed of

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

> 1 1

III! ilS

a natural causeway formed by . . . furnished with
canals, etc., for the ingress and egress of water, and fed
with the waters of the Palasina and Savamasinata Rivers
by embankments, etc. ; and . . . three branches, and
other advantages, is in a highly flourishing condition.
This work gave way on the first day of the dark fortnight
of the month Margasirsha of the seventy-second year of
Raja Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, whose wishes are
fulfilled by the blessings of his Gurus, the grandson of
Mahakshatrapa Chastana of propitious name . . . the
son of ... in consequence of the rain having poured
down in heavy showers everywhere, converting the
surface of the earth as it were into one ocean ; and the
excessive swelling of the currents of the Savamasinata
and Palasini and other rivers of the Urjayata Hill, and
on account of a hurricane, destroying the hill tops, trees,
towers, open seats, gates, places for shelter, arches, &c.,
raised on the bank, and resembling in its terrible force
the deluge, its waters were so greatly agitated as to
displace . . . stones and trees and thick expanse of
creepers, etc., and split open even the very bottom of
the river. The lake with all its water gone out of this
passage of four hundred and twenty cubits length, and
of the same breadth, and seventy-five cubits deep,
appeared as if it were one in the country of Marwar . . ,
for the sake of . . . was caused to be made by Vaisya
Pushyagupta, a native of the country of the Maurya
Raja Chandragupta ; and was embellished with water-
courses, etc., under the superintendence of Tupaspa,
the Yawan Raja of Asoka Maurya. By the watercourse
seen in this break, which he (Tupaspa) has had con-
structed, and which had been executed in a manner
worthy of the King . . . the extensive bridge . . . who
— ^the abode of royal fortune which manifested itself in
uninterrupted prosperity from his childbirth, was loved
on account of his virtues by all classes approaching for
protection as his subjects ; who except in war had taken
the true vow never in his life to kill a human being,
but liberally gave blows to equal and opposing enemies
. . . who was compassionate, who afforded protection to

THE SECOND INSCRIPTION

countries which surrendered themselves to him ; who
was the lord of the countries such as Purvadesa, Parakara,
Avanti, Anup-Nivrit, Anarta, Surashtra, S'vabhra, Maru,
Katchchha, Sindh, Sauvira, Kukura, Aparanta, Nishada,
etc., all people residing in whose ancient cities were not
molested by thieves, snakes, ferocious beasts, or diseases —
cities, which were acquired by his own valour, and the
inhabitants whereof were greatly devoted to him ; who
routed with great strength great heroes who would not
submit from the pride of their valour well known among
the Kshatriyas ; who without treachery, after twice
thoroughly conquering Satakami, lord of Dakshinapatha,
did not completely destroy him, on account of their
near connexion, and thus obtained glory ... of great
exploits . . . who re-established deposed kings ; who
by properly raising his hand {i.e. in giving gifts) has
often acquired great merit in religion ; who has secured
great renown by his power of comprehending, retaining,
knowing, and practising the great sciences of grammar,
politics, singing, justice, and the like ; who was skilled
in the art of riding horses, elephants, and chariots, and
who was skilled in the use of the sword, the shield, in
fighting . . . and in reducing the enemies' forces ; who
was always of a charitable, courteous, and obliging
disposition ; who was munificent ; whose treasury over-
flowed with abundance of gold, silver, diamonds, lapis-
lazuli, Vaidurya, and jewels, acquired by just and proper
taxes and duties ; whose . . . was graced by clear,
simple, sweet, admirable, and appropriate sentences in
prose and poetry ; whose beautiful form was merited
with the best signs and significant turns as shown by
his gait, height, voice, walk, colour, vigour, strength, etc. ;
who himself acquired the title of Mahakshatrapa, protector
of warriors, who won numerous garlands of flowers in the
Swayamvara ceremony of the daughters of kings ; by this
Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, for cows and Brahmans
for a period of one thousand years . . . and for the
increase of his merit and fame with great generosity
remitted taxes . . . and the people of the city and
country from forced labour ; and by a liberal amount

■■

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

of money from his own treasury, in so great length of
time constructed the bridge of three times the length and
breadth . . . caused the most delightful lake to be
made, that would last. On account of the largeness of
the gap, the imdertaking was forbidden by the King's
advisers and executive officers, although possessed of all
the qualifications of ministers, and not disinclined to
encourage enterprise ; the people losing all hope of the
rebuilding of the bridge, raised woeful cries, when the
work was executed for obliging the people and the
country by Pahlava, son of Kulaipa, and Minister
Suvisakha, appointed by the King for the protection of
the whole of Anarta and Surashtra . . . who, (Suvi-
sakha,) by the proper dispensation of justice in temporal
and spiritual matters, secured the love of the people ;
who was powerful, kept his senses in restraint, was
steady minded, unshaken, wise, unconquerable, well
behaved, and who became the increaser of his master's
religion, glory, and fame.

This is the most interesting and most valuable relic
of those far-off days. The Western Satraps — or, as they
called themselves, the " Mahakshatrapas," or Great
Kshatrapas — ruled in Western India for four hundred
and fifty years, but our knowledge of their names is
very limited. Valuable help in determining some of
them was obtained from inscriptions found at Nasik
and other places in the Bombay Presidency, and from
a pillar found near Jasdan in Kathiawad ; while numis-
matic evidence has besides supplied or corroborated
names and dates. The Jasdan stone, which is hard and
dark coloured, measures 4 ft. 2 in. by 1 ft. 10 in., and
was found at the village of Gadh. It contains six lines
and is written in Sanskrit, and while recording the making
of a " tank " it supplies us with a short genealogical tree
of some of the Kshatrapas. The translation runs as
follows : '

In the year 127 Bhadrapada, on the seventh day

..i

II '■■

f^fZ

^^P

I'.VItT OF A (J(»IJ.i;( I'KIN (IF COINS OF TIIK KSII A lU A 1" A 1>\NAS1'V

-5

r-^F

r M

SOME STONE INSCRIPTIONS

of the dark half, this " Satra " of Raja Mahakshatrapa
Bhadramukh Swami Rudrasena ; the great-grandson of
the son of Raja Mahakshatrapa Swami Chashtana ; the
grandson of the son of Raja Kshatrapa Swami Jaya
Daman ; the grandson of Raja Mahakshatrapa Rudra-
daman ; son of Raja Mahakshatrapa Bhadramukha Swami
Rudra. Of the sons of Supra Nathaka of Manasgotra, the
grandson of Khara with brothers . . . was made.

A stone containing a much obliterated inscription
has been found near the Uparkot (citadel) at Junagadh,
which contains the names of " Raja Kshatrapa Swami
Jayadaman, son of Swami Chashtana," while a fourth,
dated the 103rd year after Rudradaman, has come to
light at Gunda, a village twenty-five miles from Por-
bandar, in Jamnagar State territory. It is kept in the
temple of Dwarkapuri at Jamnagar, is written in Sanskril^,
and reads as follows :

In the year 103 after Raja Kshatrapa Swami
Rudradaman, grandson of Raja Mahakshatrapa Swami
Jayadaman, great-grandson of Raja Mahakshatrapa Swami
Chashtana, on the fifth of the bright half of Vaisakh,
being an auspicious day, the Nakshatra being Shrawana,
Ahiru Senapati Bahaka's son, Rudrabhuti, caused this
reservoir of water to be dug and constructed in the
village of Raspadara for the benefit and comfort of all
beings.

A stone discovered on the bank of a tank at Mula-
vasara, under Okhamandal in Saurashtra, contains more
than a mere element of pathos. It now stands in the
library at Dwarka, and is thus to be translated :

The son of Vanijaka saved the life of his friend
by sacrificing his own life on the fifth day of the dark
half of Vaisakh of the year 232 of Raja Mahakshatrapa
Swami Rudrasena.

The list of the Kshatrapas, so far as is known, is very
incomplete, but the names given below go a long way

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

towards covering the period of their rule in Western
India. It is almost certain that they continued the
practice of the Maury as in ruling from Uj jain :

1. Bhumaka.

2. Nahapana, a.d. 70.

3. Syamotika, who probably did not rule.

4. Chashtana, son of Syamotika, a.d. 90 (Tiao-rai/o? of

Ptolemy).

5. Jayadaman, son of Chashtana, who also apparently

did not rule.

6. Rudradaman, son of Jayadaman.

7. Damajada, son of Rudradaman.

8. Rudrasinha, son of Rudradaman, a.d. 180-182.

9. Jivadaman, son of Damajada.

10. Rudrasena, son of Rudrasinha, a.d. 205.

11. Sanghadaman, son of Rudrasinha.

12. Damasena, son of Rudrasinha.

13. Isvaradatta.

14. Viradaman, son of Damasena, who did not rule.

15. Yasodaman, son of Damasena.

16. Vijayasena, son of Damasena, a.d. 218-232.

17. Damajada, son of Damasena.

18. Rudrasena, son of Viradaman.

19. Vishwasinha, son of Rudrasena, a.d. 278.

20. Bhartradaman, son of Rudrasena.

21. Vishwasena, son of Bhartradaman, who did not

rule.

22. Swami Jivadaman.

23. Swami Rudradaman, son (?) of Swami Jivadaman.

24. Swami Rudrasena, son of Swami Rudradaman.

25. Swami Sinhasena, grandson of Swami Rudra-

daman.

26. Swami Satyasinha, grandson of Swami Rudra-

daman.

27. Swami Rudra(?)sena, son of Swami Sinhasena.

28. Swami Rudrasinha, son of Swami Satyasinha.

ANDHRA KINGS CONQUER SAURASHTRA

On the coins, from which alone data regarding the
dynasty may be obtained, the ruling kings were some-
times called " Kshatrapas," and sometimes " Maha-
kshatrapas." Colonel Biddulph supposes, and probably
rightly so, that before the future ruler succeeded to the
throne, he was known as " Kshatrapa," and was accus-
tomed to have coins issued in his own name during his
father's lifetime, assuming the title " Mahakshatrapa "
on succession.

The Kshatrapas, after deluging Western India, were
not until a.d. 145 independent sovereigns, and to under-
stand how they fell for a time into a suzerain position,
it is necessary to revert to the state of affairs in India
after the death of Asoka. One of the many minor
kingdoms which the Mauryas compelled to acknowledge
them as overlords was that of Andhra. Situated between
the Godavari and Krishna Rivers, it waited but for
the removal of the strong rule of the earlier kings of
Magadh to assert its own independence. This oppor-
tunity came after Asoka died, when the Andhra dynasty
declared its independence and embarked on a career of
conquest. Advancing Westwards, it gradually extended
its dominions luitil they stretched from sea to sea. The
history of the Andhra kings is scanty, though many of
their names are known.

Nahapana, the second on the list of the Saka rulers
of Saurashtra, came in conflict with the Andhras in about
the year a.d. 126 while endeavouring to enlarge his
territories. The Andhra ruler, Vilivayahura II, was
roused to anger at the Kshatrapa intrusion on his posses-
sions by a horde of what he considered to be barbarians,
and gathering together an army he overthrew and
hmniliated Nahapana and extended his own kingdom by
including the newly conquered Saurashtra within it.
He entrusted the government of the Western provinces,
however, to Chashtana, who ruled as his Viceroy. The

'■^JC^'

;

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Kshatrapas continued to hold this subordinate position until
Rudradaman, grandson of Chashtana, became Viceroy,
when he, in a.d. 145, asserted his independence, and
completely defeated Paliunayi II, son of Vilivayahura.
Instead, however, of entirely humiliating Palumayi by
adding the conquered country to his ovm, he allowed
the Andhra king to retain his territory intact, with the
exception of those lands over which the Kshatrapas had
previously ruled as viceroys. In doing so, he was probably
guided by his affection for his daughter, Dakshamitra,
whom he had formerly given in marriage to his lately
conquered foe. Rudradaman thus became the ruler of
Saurashtra, Malwa, and the land lying between the
Western Ghats and the sea. These vast possessions were
enjoyed by his successors until about the year A.D. 390.

While the power of the Kshatrapas was still in its
zenith, events were taking place in Magadh which were
destined once again to lead to a change of rulers over
Saurashtra. It is a ciu-ious, and at the same time an
unfortunate fact, that the history of India during the
third century of the Christian era is almost entirely un-
known. Between the second and the fourth centiuries
much seems to have been taking place, of which records
are of the meagrest description. It is impossible to tell
what happened in the once great kingdom of Magadh
during these years, but we have sufficient historical
material to infer that it had passed out of the hands of
the weak successors of Pushyamittra. From Buddhist
records we learn of a powerful tribe existing in what is
now known as Tirhut, in Northern India, in the fifth
century b.c, known as the Lichhavis, and for the purpose
primarily of checkmating them, Ajatasatru, King of
Magadh (dm-ing whose reign in 477 b.c. Gautama Buddha
died) erected the fortress of Patliputra, which was
destined afterwards to become a mighty city, and the
capital of the Magadh Empire.

THE GUPTA DYNASTY

Of the subsequent history of the Lichhavis nothmg
is known until early in the fourth century a.d., when a
Lichhavi princess married a small local ruler near Patli-
putra known as Chandra Gupta, a name similar to that
borne by the first Maurya king. This lady appears to
have been very influential, and the result of her marriage
with Chandra Gupta was that the latter acquired him-
self much influence, and gradually rose from the position
of a small chief into one of much greater power. How
he succeeded to the throne of Magadh is unknown, but
the fact remains that in the year a.d. 320 he became
King of Magadh. He died in the year a.d. 326, and
was succeeded by his son, Samudra Gupta, who reigned
imtil about the year a.d. 375. Samudra Gupta greatly
extended by conquest the kingdom he had inherited,
but he did not include Saurashtra among the conquered
lands. He was followed by his son, Chandra Gupta II,
who assumed the title of " Vikramaditya " — " Sim of
Power."

From the first Chandra Gupta II followed the example
of his father in extending the boundaries of the Empire,
and in about the year a.d. 388 he attacked Rudrasinha
and added Saurashtra once more to Magadh. The bards
of Kathiawad relate that Chandra Gupta II did not
himself invade Saurashtra, but that he sent his son
Kumara Gupta in command of the victorious army.
Be this as it may, Rudrasinha was killed, and the rule
of the Saka Satraps, which had lasted for 450 years,
became a reality of the past.

It has not yet been found possible to construct any
sort of connected idea of the condition of Saurashtra
when the Gupta rule extended over the country. That
it was in a state of great commercial prosperity we know,
and it is likely that at no subsequent period of its history
was it such a means of intercourse between Europe and
Asia as at that time. The Gupta emperors were not

! (

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

slow to take advantage of this intercourse, and the stimula-
tion given to trade had the effect of making Saurashtra
the best known and perhaps one of the richest provinces
under the Magadh dominion. In a.d. 413 Chandra
Gupta II died, and his son Kumara Gupta wielded the
sceptre of his father. Of his rule very scanty informa-
tion has been handed down to history, but when he died
in A.D. 455 it was to pass on to his successor, Skanda
Gupta, the very serious task of preserving the imity of
the Empire against the onslaught of the Huns.

The savage hordes constituting these people poured
into India from the Steppes of Central Asia, and came
very near to conquering the Magadh Empire. Skanda
Gupta, however, defeated them with much loss, and for
ten or twelve years they were unable to renew the
struggle. This victory was gained within two years of
his succession to the throne, for the third and last of the
inscriptions on the Asoka stone at Junagadh, dated
A.D. 457, states that he had " already humbled his
enemies." This inscription records the bursting of the
dam of the Sudarsana Lake in the year of Skanda Gupta's
succession. He had appointed one Pamadatta to the
post of Viceroy of the Western provinces, who in his
turn had made his son, Chakrapalita, Governor of
Wamansthali. On the bursting of the dam, Chakrapalita
had lost no time in setting to work to restore it. This
was successfully done and the great work was commemo-
rated by the building of a temple to Vishnu, and by the
writing of the inscription on a vacant portion of the
stone set up by Asoka.

This inscription consists of twenty-nine lines, written
in the Sanskrit language, and it has been translated as
follows :

Glory. Vishnu who snatched from Bali, for the
happiness of Indra, that wealth which is worthy of

THE THIRD INSCRIPTION

enjoyment by his beloved devotees and which was carried
off on various occasions, who has conquered misery,
who is the constant asylum (or light) of that Lakshmi
whose residence is the lotus, and who is ever victorious :
May he be glorious. Next to him, may he (Skanda
Gupta) be victorious, whose breast is encircled with
wealth and splendour, who obtained the fame of a hero
by his own arm, the supreme king of kings, who, acting
as Garuda, does by his (Vishnu's) command, destroy
the poison-like power of the snake-like kings with their
hoods in the form of pride and conceit. The abode of
kingly qualities, he, the far-famed Skanda Gupta of great
wealth, who had already humbled his enemies, possessed
himself on his father's attaining by the force of his merits
the friendship of Devas, of the earth, which contains
the gems of the four oceans, and is skirted by beautiful
countries. He is indeed victorious, whose enemies even
in Mlechha countries with their pride destroyed from the
very root declare . . . his glory. Whom, Lakshmi, who
in her wisdom having carefully reflected and considered
all the causes of good and bad qualities, and rejected
one after another the sons of kings, at last chose for her
lord. Whilst this king was governing the earth no one
amongst his subjects departed from the path of duty,
was miserable, poor, vicious, miserly, deserving of punish-
ment, or suffering from pain. Having thus conquered
all the pride of his enemies and having established
protecting officers in all the countries of the world, he
began to think intently. " What person is there who is
at once competent, and far-seeing, modest and with
faith, full of wisdom and memory, who is endowed with
truth, straightforwardness, generosity, moral worth,
sweetness, talent, and glory ; who is greatly devoted and
attached ; manly ; whose mind is devoid of every kind
of deceit caused by the four Upadhis (viz. Dharma,
Artha, Kama, and Moksha) ; whose heart is ever intent
on the discharge of his obligations ; who is devoted to •
the good of mankind ; and who by righteous means is
able to earn wealth, to preserve and increase it, and to
spend it on proper objects. Who is there qualified best

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

to govern all the districts of Saurashtra amongst all my
servants ? Yes, I know, surely only Parnadatta is
competent to bear the burden." In this way this king
of kings meditated for successive days and nights, and
with firm resolve and earnest entreaty appointed him
for the good government of the coimtry of Saurashtra.
The king by appointing Parnadatta to the West felt
secure, as the Devas obtained rest after appointing
Varuna to the West. His son, full of filial duty, was,
as if it were by independent Parnadatta, divided into a
second half of his own self, who was brought up as his
own self, who had always the knowledge of self, whose
form was beautiful in itself, who was of manners as
pleasant to all as his wonderfully beautiful form, whose
face resembled one of the numerous expanded lotuses,
and who afforded protection to those who sought his
protection. He, the beloved of the people, who was
renowned in the world by the name of Chakrapalita,
excelled even his father by his naturally good qualities.
Power tempered by mercy, humility, morality, bravery
that boasts not, patience, forgiveness, charity, cheerful-
ness, talent, gratefulness, activity, beauty, contempt of
the mean, freedom from pride, courage, generosity —
these and many other qualities in an eminent degree
resided in him without interruption. There is no one
in this world to be compared with him in good qualities.
He being endowed with all good qualities became worthy
of example to all mankind. The father (Parnadatta),
having recognized these and other greater qualities,
himself appointed him (Chakrapalita), and he in his turn
protected the city in a pre-eminently good manner. He
availed himself of the bravery of his two arms, did not
depend on others, nor did he cause distress to any one
from pride, and punished the wicked in the town. The
people placed no small confidence in him in time and he,
studying the character of the citizens, fondled them as
if they were his children. He pleased his subjects with
cheerfulness, sweet conversation, civility, liberality, by
the familiarity of social intercourse, by respect for their
family usages. He, devoted to Brahmanism, powerful,

» ,,,^

SUDARSANA LAKE RESTORED

pure, charitable according to the rules, enjoyed such
pleasures as he could without transgressing religion and
prosperity. What wonder that he . . . from Parnadatta
should be virtuous ? Is warmth ever caused from the
Moon, which is cool as a collection of pearls and aquatic
lotuses ? Afterwards, when in the course of nature the
rainy season arrived after the hot season, it rained
copiously and continuously for a long time, by the force
whereof the Sudarsana burst. When a century of years
plus thirty (six ?) passed, on the sixth day of Bhadrapada,
at night, counting from the era of Gupta, the Palasini,
and the Sikatavilasini, rivers arising from the Raivataka,
wives of the ocean, being pent up for a long time, ran
speedily towards their lord. The Urjayata, seeing the
endless deluge caused at the end of the rainy season,
and desiring to serve the ocean, extended his hands in
the form of rivers adorned with many flowers. All the
people, despairing and crying to one another what to do
and how to do, awakened in the beginning or end of
night were overpowered with anxiety. The Sudarsana
(good-looking) lake in this world instantly became Dur-
darsana (ill-looking). Would the Sudarsana ever look
as before and assume an appearance like that of the
sea ? . . . He being greatly devoted to his father . . .
having put forward Dharma (religion) ever beneficial
sequence to its observers . . . for the benefit of the king
and of the city, in a century of years, plus thirty plus
seven having passed . . . Chaitra (month) . . . and whose
greatness is known . . . having performed sacrifices to
the gods with ghi and having paid them obeisance, and
having satisfied Brahmans with gold, and the people of
the city by entertaining them with proper civility, and
also servants and respectable friends with gifts. . . .
On the first day of the first demi-lunation of the first
month of Grishma (latter half of summer) in two months,
he, with great energy, and by expending immense wealth,
constructed with great effort . . . whose total length
is . . . hundred cubits, and whose breadth is sixty-eighty
cubits, height (seven ?) persons' (height) . . . two hundred
cubits . . . and with well-set stones made the lake

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Sudarsana . . . that might last till the deluge. May the
lake ornamented with the sight of a strong Setu, adorned
by Chakravaka, Kraunvha, Hamsa, and Dhuta birds
ever moving in ripples, having clear water ... as long
as the Sun and the Moon ... be prosperous along with
a city filled with inhabitants ! May its sins be removed
by hundreds of Brahmans singing the Vedas . . . century
of years, also may they be saved from all kinds of evils,
and from famine. . . . The description of the construc-
tion of the Sudarsana is here finished. The destroyer of
the pride of haughty enemies, possessed of great fortune,
a banner of his race, the lord of the whole earth, a maker
of numerous spiritual gifts for the sake of fame, and
therefore [fit to be praised . . . the protector of the
Dwipa, the lord of the great, the suppressor of the enemies,
his son endowed with his own qualities, (? son) had
offered his soul to the feet of Govinda (Vishnu), by him
. . . and having been to the lotus-feet of Vishnu . . .
with a great expenditure of money and time, who by
his prowess has had in submission the people of the
city . . . the holder of the discus . . . enemy . . . who
with independence of action and with some motive
became a man. To this discus-holding Vishnu, a temple
was constructed by Chakrapalita ; . . . and . . . from
the (Kala) era of the Gupta ... a century of years
plus thirty-eight (having passed) . . . appears beautiful
at the head of the town as if lording over the Urjaya-
tachala . . . and on its top in the way to the sky shines
forth the (lake) called Sundara.

Such is the last record we have of the Sudarsana
Lake. It burst again at some period unknown and was
never repaired. Its very site, even, cannot now be
accurately determined.

:1'

CHAPTER IV

(a.d. 470-760)

It has already been noticed that the reign of Skanda
Gupta was begun by a fight for the very existence of his
kingdom against the hordes of White Huns in a.d. 455.
Ten years after their repulse the Huns, in overwhelming
force to wipe out their former defeat, and to make sure
of victory, once more penetrated into India, and attacked
Patliputra itself. This time they were more successful
than in their former raid, and Skanda Gupta was com-
pletely defeated. The Huns, however, had already made
their headquarters near Herat, and were not constrained
to annex the capital of their conquered enemy as a
permanent capital of their own. Thus, although the
Magadh Empire virtually dissolved, the dynasty continued
to run on for many years. But the power of the Guptas
continued to wane, and deprived of possessions and
power, at the end of the sixth century a.d. they died out.
Meanwhile, about the year a.b. 470, the history of
Saurashtra again underwent a change. In this year
Skanda Gupta died, and the bards relate that at the time,
one Bhattarka, of the Maitraka clan, was Commander-in-
Chief of the army. This man came to Saurashtra, and
having declared his independence, established a dynasty
which lasted for nearly 300 years. Having made good
his footing, he placed a governor at Wamansthali (the
modern Wanthali) and himself founded the city of
Walabhinagar, where he established himself as King of
Saurashtra. Walabhinagar lies buried near the site of

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

the present town of Wala, some eighteen miles North- West
of Bhavnagar, and awaits the exploration of the archaeo-
logist, when many interesting discoveries will doubtless
be made.

Of the Walabhi dynasty we have many remains,
chiefly in the shape of copper-plate inscriptions which
have been found at various times and places throughout
Kathiawad. These copper-plates are most interesting.
They consist of two nearly square flat pieces of copper,
each having two holes about three inches apart at the
top, through which metal rings were passed, securing the
two separate parts of the plate. They mostly contain
records of grants of land, but their particular value lies
in the fact that they bear names of the grantors and in
most cases short genealogical trees of the Walabhi dynasty.
In addition to these inscriptions, we have the evidence
supplied by the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen Tsiang, who
visited Wala in about a.d. 640, when it was in the height
of its power and a stronghold of Buddhism. He described
minutely Wala as he found it, and from his remarks and
the information obtained from the copper-plate inscrip-
tions, it has been found possible to construct the following
table, showing the names of the Walabhi kings :

Mill

1. Bhattarka, a.d. 495.

2. Dharasena I, eldest son of Bhattarka.

3. Dronasinha, second son of Bhattarka, who is

described in a copper-plate foimd at Jhara
near Dhari in Saurashtra as he " whose crest
jewel was greatly purified by his bowing at
Dharasena's feet ; whose religion was to ob-
serve all the rules laid down by Manu ; who
was like Dharma incarnate ; who had pre-
scribed the way of politeness and duty ; who
had been crowned by the great sovereign
himself, the lord of the whole earth, whose

THE WALABHI RULERS

royal fortune was sanctified by great spiritual
gifts, and who was a great devotee of Sankara."

4. Dhruvasena I, third son of Bhattarka.

5. Dharapatta, fourth son of Bhattarka. (But it is

not quite certain whether he ruled at Walabhi.)

6. Guhasena, son of Dharapatta, " whose glory was

proclaimed to all by his forcibly subduing his
enemies " and of whom plates have been found
dated a.d. 560 and 568.

7. Dharasena II, son of Guhasena, a.d. 569-589.

8. Siladitya I, son of Dharasena II, of whom there is

a grant dated a.d. 596

9. Kharagraha, brother of Siladitya I.

10. Dharasena III, son of Kharagraha.

11. Dhruvasena II, younger son of Kharagraha, during

whose reign in about a.d. 640 Hiouen Tsiang
visited Wala. He was also known as Baladitya.
Began his reign in a.d. 629.

12. Dharasena IV, second son of Dhruvasena II, who

made a grant of land to the Brahmans of
Sinhapura, the modern Sihor, a.d. 641.

13. Dhruvasena III, grandson of Siladitya I, a.d. 651.

14. Kharagraha II, brother of Dhruvasena II, a.d. 656.

15. Siladitya II,* brother of Kharagraha II, a.d. 667.

16. Siladitya III, son of Siladitya II, of whom grants

have been found dated a.d. 666-668.

17. Siladitya IV, son of Siladitya III, who was ruling

in a.d. 713.

18. Siladitya V.

19. Siladitya VI.

20. Siladitya VII.

While the Walabhi kings were consolidating their

* There is reason to believe from the wording of some of the grants
that Siladitya II did not reign. If this surmise is correct, Dhruvasena III
and Kharagraha II also (being younger brothers) did not reign, and Siladitya
Ill's immediate predecessor on the throne of Walabhi was Dharasena IV.

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

power, stirring events were taking place in Northern
India. We have already seen that in a.d. 455 the White
Huns had been repulsed while attacking the dominions of
Skanda Gupta, but that ten years afterwards they had
again swarmed into India and overrun the Magadh
Empire. The second invasion was conducted by a chief
named Toramana, who became ruler of Malwa. He was
succeeded by Mihiragula, who in about the year a.d. 528
was driven out of India. There is little doubt the kings
of Wala paid tribute to the Huns until this time, when
they asserted their complete independence.

In the latter part of the sixth century the Raja of
Thanesar in the Punjab, who had married a lady of the
Gupta family, conquered the whole of the Punjab, and
began to build up for himself and his descendants an
empire which extended from the Himalayas to the
Narbada River. He was succeeded by his brother
Harsha, a young man whose fame as a ruler became
second only to that of Asoka. Although he did not
attack the dominions of the Walabhi kings, we find the
latter at Kanauj in a.d. 644 present as his vassal at a
gigantic assembly of Buddhists at which Hiouen Tsiang
was present. Dhruvasena II, who was King of Walabhi
at the time, was connected by marriage with Harsha.
Thus it will be seen that while the Walabhi rulers pre-
served their independence, they were quite ready to
acknowledge as greater than themselves the king who for
the time being held paramount sway in Northern India.

This is probably the explanation of their remaining
lords of Saurashtra for so many years, and it was not
until about a.d. 766 that they were overthrown. How
destruction came upon them is uncertain, but tradition
which is supported by the records of Musalman historians
says that the Arabs came through Sind and Kachh,
under Amru bin Jamal, in the time of Khalif Al Mansur,
and completely overran their country. This was not the

HIOUEN TSIANG VISITS WALA

first time that the Arabs had invaded Saurashtra, for we
learn that Junaid, son of Abdul Rahaman Al Marri,
Governor of the Sind frontier, successfully invaded
Hindustan between the years a.d. 710-740, but returned
to his country without effecting a permanent settlement
in the conquered provinces. Whoever the invader may
have been, he effectively destroyed for ever the power
which had held sway in Saurashtra for three hundred
years. Of the city of Walabhi we get a fairly adequate
idea from the account left us by Hiouen Tsiang, when in
about A.D. 640 he visited the place while on his pilgrimage
to all the best known sites connected with Buddhism.
His account has been translated by Stanislas Julien, in his
" Histoire de la vie de Hiouen Tsiang," and " Memoires sur
les Contrees Occidentales," and from the account we learn :

The kingdom of Walabhi is about 1200 miles in
circuit ; the capital has a circumference of six miles. As
to the products of the soil, nature of the climate, the
manners and character of the people, they are like those
of Malwa. The population is very numerous, and all the
families live in wealth. There are a hundred whose
wealth amounts to a million. Merchandise from distant
countries is found here in abundance. There are a
hundred (Buddhist) convents, where nearly six thousand
devotees live, who for the most part study the doctrines
of Ching-liang-pu which adhered to Siao-ching. We
count several hundred temples of the gods, and the
heretics of various sects are exceedingly mmaerous.

When Buddha lived in this world, he travelled often
in this region. Wherefore in all the places where he
rested. King Asoka raised pillars in honour of him, or
constructed " Stupas." We observe at intervals the
monuments that mark the places where the three past
Buddhas had sat, performed deeds, or preached the law.
The kings of the present time are of Kshatrya race ; all
are nephews of King Siladitya of Malwa. At present the
son of King Siladitya of Kanya Kubja has a son-in-law
called Dhruvabhatta. He is of a quick and passionate

I ; fill

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

nature and his intellect is weak and narrow. Still he
believes in the three precious things. For seven days
every year he holds a great assembly, at which he dis-
tributes to the multitude of recluses choice dishes, the
three garments, medicine, the seven precious things, and
rare objects of great value. After giving all these in alms,
he buys them back at double price. He esteems virtue
and honours the sages. He reverences religion and
values science. The most eminent men of distant
countries are always objects of respect with him.

At a little distance from the city there is a great
convent built long ago by the care of the Arhat Atharya.
It was there that the Bodhi Sattvas Gunamati and
Sthiramati fixed their abode and composed several books
which are published with praise.

Such is an eye-witness's account of Walabhi at the
height of its glory and power, and it is evident that the
wealth of the inhabitants was only exceeded by their
piety. Thus we see that Saurashtra still maintained its
reputation in both respects, but the fall of the Walabhi
dynasty completely changed the conditions. On an
inscription at Baroda dated a.d. 812 is written " Sau-
rashtra has lost its name of Saurajya from the ruin that
has fallen upon it." " Ichabod " appears to have been
written over its portals, and the details of the invasion
which wrought so great a change will probably never be
brought to light. The past has kept its secret well.

The copper-plate inscriptions of the kings of Walabhi
give us some idea of the extreme religious feeling which
appears to have been prevalent. Buddhism was nowhere
in a more flourishing condition, and it is most probable
that the fall of Walabhi sounded its death-knell. Buddha's
philosophy disappeared from India between the eighth
and tenth centuries a.d., after running hand in hand
with Brahmanism for over a thousand years. Perhaps
too much time spent in religious exercises was the cause
of Walabhi's downfall. Peace and prosperity had doubt-

Vijaysinhji Gohel with Vachhani
Maghabhai.

State Standard-bearer with Lungho Sumar,
and Mace-bearer Fatu.

A Rajput Guide and a Camel-drummer.

Repulse of Kathi Cavalry by Dhandhukia
Sepoys.

Kathi Cavalry in full retreat
FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR.

-m

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Vijaysinhji Cohel with Vachhani
Maghabhai.

State Standard-bearer with Lungho Sumar.
and Mace bearer Fatu.

A Rajput Guide and a Camel-drummer.

Repulse of Kathi Cavalry by Dhandhukia
Sepoys.

Kathi Cavalry in full retreat

FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR.

?■

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A WALABHI GRANT

less brought with them a dislike for the use of arms and
a false sense of security. Perhaps, too, an enervated
and luxury-loving people had lost all their hardihood,
and when their time of trial came they were unable to
withstand the attack suddenly made upon them. The
destruction of the kingdom seems to have been most
complete, and to have been accomplished without great
loss to the invaders. And so it has always been. Too
much prosperity and luxury is inevitably followed by
disaster.

It may be of interest to reproduce a translation of
one of the Walabhi copper-plates which rests now in the
Museum at Bhavnagar. It was found at Katpur, a
village near Mahuva, on the South coast of Kathiawad,
and is in a good state of preservation. The two portions
of the plate are connected by rings, and appended to it is
the seal of the Walabhi kings, which was usually attached
to such plates. The plate in question contains the
account of a grant of a field made to priests named
Vishakha and Bappa. It is dated a.d. 571, when
Dharasena II ruled, and is written in Sanskrit as follows :

From the conquering army encamped in Bhadra-
pattanaka, Maharaja Dharasena, who had washed off all
his sins with the water of the Ganges flowing in the form
of the spreading rays of the nails of his father's feet, who
is beautifully surrounded by all good qualities being as
it were attracted to him by his beauty, the splendour of
whose wealth is a constant source of comfort to his
numerous friends, who has astonished all practised in the
use of the bow by his power of natural strength and
peculiar tact, who maintains good religious gifts made by
former kings, who wards off calamities which injure his
subjects, who exhibits an union of wealth and learning
in himself, whose bravery is clever in enjoying the wealth
of his foes, to whom royalty has descended in regular
line and who is a great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of
Maharaja Shri Guhasena, who had acquired spiritual

m^k

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III

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

merits by worshipping the feet of his father, who had
even from his early age his sword his only companion,
had shown marks of excessive valour by splitting open
the temples of mad elephants belonging to his enemies,
the cluster of rays from the nails of whose left foot was
mixed with the lustre of the jewels in the crowns of
enemies forced to bow to his power, who well deserved
the name of Raja for pleasing the hearts of his subjects
by following well the ways prescribed in all the Smritis;
who in beauty, splendour, stability, deepness, knowledge
and wealth, surpassed Kamadeva, Chandra, the Himalaya,
the ocean, Brihaspati and Kubera respectively, who was
ready to give promises of safety to those who sought his
protection, and who, therefore, gave away everything
belonging (to him) like a straw, who pleased the good
hearts of the learned by paying more wealth than they
desired as recompense for their work, who was like the
joy of the whole world walking on its legs, and who was
a great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of Shri Maharaja
Dharapatta, who had quite washed off all his sins by
bowing before (his) lotus-like feet, who had washed away
all evil influences brought in the train of Kali with the
water of his pure conduct, whose glory was proclaimed to
all by his forcibly subduing his enemies, and who was a
great devotee of Surya ; — ^younger brother of Maharaja
Shri Dhruvasena, who was the sole conqueror of the
herds of numerous elephants of his enemies by the heroic
strength of his single arm, who was shelter to those who
sought it from him, who was versed in religious principles,
who was Kalpataru to relatives and friends fiilfiUing all
their desires, and who was a great devotee of Bhagavan ;
— younger brother of the lion-like Maharaja Shri Drona-
sinha, whose crest jewel was greatly purified by his
bowing at his brother's feet, whose religion was to observe
all the rules laid down by Manu, etc., who was like Dharma
incarnate, who had prescribed the way of politeness and
duty, who had been crowned by the great sovereign
himself, the lord of the whole of the earth, whose royal
forttme was sanctified by large spiritual gifts, and who
was a great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of Shri Senapati

A GIFT FOR EVER

Dharasena, whose head, bent before his father, had
become red with the dust of his feet, the briUiancy of the
nails of whose feet was enhanced by the briUiancy of the
Jewels in the crown of (his) foes when bowing (their)
heads, whose splendour made the life of the poor, the
helpless and the miserable worth living, and who was a
great devotee of Sankara ; — the son of Shri Senapati
Bhattarka, who had acquired glory by completely subdu-
ing with the help of large and innumerable forces of his
friends, all his enemies forced to bow down, who was
devoted to the pleasure of mildness, respect, and bene-
volence acquired by his prowess, who had gained royal
fortune by the strength of hereditary servants, foes and
friends alike, and who was a great devotee of Sankara ;
proclaims to all his subjects, servants, drangikas (?),
elders, chiefmen of cheats, permanent office holders,
justices, ministers, princes and others residing in this
kingdom and others, as also those whom it may concern
to Imow, that he has given as gift to Brahmacharis Vishakha
and Bappa, Brahmans of the Kasyapa gotra, with the
necessary Sankalpa, for the spiritual welfare of his parents
and for the acquisition of his own desired ends in this
world and the next, sixty padavartas of field-land on the
Eastern boundary of the village of Damaripataka, situated
in Vahapalikasthali, with its surroundings and accom-
paniments, with the grains produced by nature or brought
by wind, and the right of taking gold with the revenues
of the rights of forced labour, in order that they may
both learning the Samaveda together perform the five
sacred Yajnas (viz.) Balidana, Charuhoma, Vaishvadeva,
Agnihotra, and Atithi. This to be enjoyed by their
descendants till the Moon, the Sun, the Ocean, the River,
and the Earth endure. No one should obstruct them in
its enjoyment or cultivation as a charitable gift. Future
kings of his line knowing that greatness is fickle and
human life is unstable, and also Imowing that the merits
of this gift belong to them in common with him, should
respect and protect this his grant. Whoever resumes
this gift or allows it to be resmned will be guilty of com-
mitting the five great sins along with other minor sins.

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

It is said by Bhagavan Veda Vyasa " he who makes a
gift of land lives sixty thousand years in Svarga (heaven),
while he who resumes it or allows it to be resumed lives
the same niraiber of years in Narka (hell)." The resumers
of land become black serpents residing in dry caves in the
waterless land of the Vindhyachala. O Yudhishthira I
the best of the lords of the earth, protect the lands given
to Brahmans in former times. It is more meritorious to
protect than to give. Many kings such as Sagara, etc.,
have enjoyed the earth, hut he who is the lord for the
time being enjoys its fruits. When kings have granted
any money for religious purposes that (money) is like
refuse. What good man would resume it through fear of
poverty ? This is written by Skandabhatta, the nego-
tiator of peace and war, the 5th day Vaishakha Krishna
Paksha of Samvat 252. This is the signature of Maharaja
Shri Dharasena himself. The messenger is Chirbira.

(

' 1

CHAPTER V

(a.d. 875-1026)

With the destruction of the Walabhi dynasty the history
of Saurashtra again underwent a change. No longer was
it destined to contain the seat of government of one
unrivalled and undisputed power. No longer was it to
boast as its capital a town among the most famous in
India, and from this time may be said to have begun that
influx of foreigners who established themselves in various
parts of the Kathiawad peninsula, carving out for
themselves those various divisions which nowadays form
the many States into which the country is divided. The
process of formation of these States has been necessarily
gradual, and it was not until some time after the fall of
Walabhi that their founders began their incursions.
From this time also the recording of a connected history
becomes a matter of difficulty for him who would chronicle
it — not, as is often the case, from want of knowledge of
facts and their sources, but because of there being almost
a surplus of them. Each invader, as he established
himself, laid the foundations of his own dynasty, and
the history of one is by no means identical with that of
another. The historian of Saurashtra is beset with just
such difficulties as present themselves to the writer of
India's past. Until the Musalman rule was firmly estab-
lished there was no really connected India. In the time
of the Mauryas the Kalingas had a history of their own,
and the Andhras were no less powerful in their own part
of India than were the kingdoms South of the River

t,.,;

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Tungabhadra. Even at a later period the history of the
Mahomedan kings of Delhi differed widely from that
of the Musalman rulers in the Deccan, and perhaps there
can be no greater contrast than that between the histories
of the Delhi Empire and that of the events in Southern
and Western India after Vasco da Gama had seized Goa
for the King of Portugal. Consequently in a history of
Kathiawad a great deal of detail must be omitted. For
the story of each ruling dynasty was recorded by its
own bards, and even chronological connexion is often
quite impossible.

Of the earliest settlers in Saurashtra, whether indi-
genous or otherwise, we know a considerable amount, and
some account of them is necessary before it is possible
to follow the happenings in the province after the fall
of Walabhi. At the end of the seventh century the
principal tribes, or racial classes, inhabiting the peninsula
were Jethwas, Chaoras, Walas, Ahers, Rabaris, Mers,
Bhils, and Kolis, and of these the two last named formed
the aboriginal people. The influx of foreigners caused
them to move from their jungle and hill fortresses, and
they gradually disappeared almost entirely from Kathia-
wad. Nothing much is known about them, and references
to them by the bards of invading peoples are chiefly
contemptuous. It is likely their skins were very much
darker than those of the peoples who usurped their lands,
and their meat-eating propensities doubtless found little
favour in the eyes of their conquerors. They are, indeed,
generally referred to as devils, and the Kolis of Okha,
and Piram and Shiyal Islands were much feared on the
sea.

After the fall of Walabhi the most important of all
the inhabitants of Saurashtra were undoubtedly the
Rajputs, as represented by the Jethwas, Chaoras, and
Walas. These Rajputs have an interesting history.
Before the third century a.d. the power of Buddhism

THE JETHWAS OF PORBANDAR

had so grown that almost all the principal rulers were
followers of that persuasion. But Brahmanism after-
wards asserted itself, and, its sister-religion dying out,
Buddhist converts became Kshatryas or Rajputs. The
Jethwas are undoubtedly the oldest Rajput race in
Kathiawad, and their history is so mixed with prehistoric
legends that it is almost impossible to trace their descent.
So far as these mythical tales go, those in respect of the
Jethwas afford excellent support to Darwin's theory of
the Evolution of man. For the bards say that when
Hanuman, the monkey-god, was crossing the bridge of
monkeys from India to Ceylon a drop of perspiration from
his body fell into the sea, where a crocodile swallowed it.
The result of this incident was the birth of the first Jethwa,
and among many of the ignorant peoples of Kathiawad
it is firmly believed to this day that the Jethwas possess
tails ! But such a legend, interesting as it may be, must
give place to a far more possible explanation of the
Jethwa origin. The similarity of the name " Jethwa "
with " Jit " and " Jat " makes it appear most likely
that the Scythians from the North were their ancestors,
and this is to a certain extent borne out by the bardic
legend to the effect that the Jethwas were first established
at Shrinagar. It is nearly certain, however, that this
cannot be the town of the name which is situated a few
miles West of the present home of the Jethwa family at
Porbandar. In the first place, their first settlement in
Saurashtra was not so far South, and what are now Morvi
and Nawanagar were the places they first occupied.
They do not appear, however, to have remained here long,
and migrated to Dhank, in the Southern portion of what
is now Nawanagar territory, where at the end of the
first century a.d. Nagarjana Jethwa held sway. Subse-
quently they built and fortified their stronghold at Ghumli
in the Barda Hills, moving at a later period, about the
year a.d. 1313, to Ranpur, and afterwards, in a.d. 1574,

49 D

"■-^ •^^•-<-~wiei*^7'"*^Kp5s»^

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

to Chhaya, a fortified place which lies about a mile and
a half East of Porbandar, where they settled. Secondly,
the village of Shrinagar, near Porbandar, yields no remains
which at all justify the conjecture that such a powerful
people established themselves there. With these facts
to go upon, the most likely theory is that the Jethwas
are an offshoot of the Scythian tribes of the North, who
were settled in Kashmir in the first century a.d. After
moving Southwards, probably through Sind, they settled
in Saurashtra, and in the case of the village of Shrinagar
but preceded the example of the American Colonists in
giving names of places in the land of their origin to places
in the land of their adoption.

The Jethwa bards relate that the fourth ruler of
Ghumli built the temple of the Sun at Shrinagar. There
are no remains of any such building at Shrinagar in
Saurashtra, and it is not conceivable that the sway of the
Ghumli rulers extended so far North as Kashmir. Hence
we are bound to infer that the Jethwa bards either gave
long rein to their imagination or were the most accom-
plished flatterers. One other piece of evidence favours
the theory that the Jethwas were an offshoot of the
Scythians. On Scythian coins the word " Kumar " fre-
quently appears, and from bardic legends we find that
after the founding of Ghumli in the seventh century by
Shil Kumar Jethwa, the rulers of Ghumli were recognized
as being " Kumarants." While established in their fast-
ness in the Barda Hills they must have been at the height
of their power and prosperity, for Shil Kumar Jethwa
married the daughter of Anangpal, who was King of Delhi
in A.D. 674, as a reward for valuable services rendered
in war. Ghumli fell some time about the twelfth century
A.D., when the Jadeja, Jam Bamanioji from Kachh, laid
siege to, and captured, the fortress.

After the extinction of the Walabhi dynasty the most
important people in Saurashtra for some years in all

THE CHAORA RULERS

probability were the Chaoras. They too were Rajputs,
and very likely were of Saka or Scythian origin. It is
believed that they and the Jethwas were of the same
stock, and legendary history maintains that Dhank was
the scene of their first settlement in Saurashtra. While
the Walabhi dynasty was still paramount, the Chaoras
separated from the Jethwas and settled in Okha, in the
West of the peninsula. They did not stay there very
long, however, and later migrated to Prabhas Patan,
where they were settled when Walabhi fell. Patan was
not the only scene of their incursions. In a.d. 746 we
learn that a Chaora named Wanraj (the Forest King)
was elected by Bhils in Gujarat to be their ruler. Anhilwad
Patan, in Gujarat, became his capital, and after the
destruction of Walabhi this place became the most
important in Western India. But the Chaoras never rose
to very great eminence, and it is doubtful whether all the
country between Anhilwad Patan, in Gujarat, and Prabhas
Patan, in Saurashtra, came under their sway. What is
more likely is that they became two separate peoples, of
which the Gujarat branch became more powerful.

Wanraj died in a.d. 804, and was succeeded by Yograj,
then Kshemraj, Bhuwad, Wirsinha, Ratnaditya, and
Samatsinha in the order named. Samatsinha, the last
of the dynasty, died in a.d. 935, and with his death the
Chaora power practically died out. Chaoras, however,
continued to hold sway in part of Saurashtra until the
thirteenth century, but never to any great extent. Their
name suggests that they were merely plunderers, the
word " Chaora " being derived from the Gujarati word
choriya^ a band of robbers. But the fact that they
held Prabhas Patan and fortified it so well that they
were able at first to beat off the determined attacks of
Mahmud of Ghazni in a.d. 1025 shows that robbery cannot
subsequently have been their only occupation. If, as is
probable, they built the temple of Somnath, the riches

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

attached to which excited Mahmud's envy, religion must
have played a great part in their lives. By some autho-
rities they are reputed to have been sun-worshippers, but
if the ruins which now exist at Patan be those of a temple
similar to that which was desecrated, they must have
regarded Shankar as their principal deity.

The third of the three Rajput races of olden times in
Saurashtra was the Wala tribe, and the Walas are sup-
posed to have been the survival of the Walabhi dynasty.
Whether this conjecture can be correct will probably
never be determined. Bardic legends on the subject
differ considerably from information derived from other
sources, and the two can scarcely be reconciled. The
bards say that the Walas came originally from Dhank,
and were of the same stock as the Jethwas and Chaoras.
Migrating Eastwards from Dhank, they established them-
selves at Wala and founded the Walabhi dynasty. But
from other records we learn that Bhattarka, the first
King of Walabhi, was of a clan known as " Maitraka,"
which was not settled in Kathiawad. It is, indeed, likely
that the Walas were descended from the Walabhi dynasty,
but what the bards say of their previous origin cannot be
accepted without further proof.

On the subsequent history of the family the bards
again differ. Some say that Shiladitya VII of Walabhi
married a Brahman woman, and had a son named Kama
Raja. He had a son named Writket, who made for
himself a kingdom between the Ganges and the Jumna
rivers. He afterwards established himself in Saurashtra,
and ruled over a fourth part of the peninsula. Another
account says that when Shiladitya VII was overcome,
his wife, Pushpawati, fled into the jungle,- where some
time afterwards a son was born to her. As the birth
took place in a cave {Gufa in Gujarati) this son was
called " Goha." To a Brahman was entrusted the task
of rearing and bringing up the boy as befitted a ruler,

""■7~^3-^r''5rrTjE7\ EJ ■

WALAS, AHERS, AND MERS

and on his attaining maturity he rose to power as a king
at Bhandari, in Northern Gujarat. He captured Chitor
and there estabUshed himself, afterwards migrating to
Saurashtra.

It is probable the Gohel Rajputs might derive descent
from Goha, though it was not until a much later period —
about A.D. 1260 — that the Gohels were driven by the
Rathods out of Marwar ; nor does this quite fit in with
the bardic legend to the effect that Goha came to Sau-
rashtra from Chitor. They claim, however, that Gohel
ancestors were established at Mangrol in the eighth
century a.d.

Of the Ahers we do not know very much. Ptolemy
the Greek mentions them as the " Ahiriya " people — a
name which represents " Abhir," from which the modem
word " Aher " has been evolved. They formerly lived
on the banks of the Indus, and in all probability migrated
to Saurashtra when the influx of Mahomedans into
Sind from Persia caused them to move to save their
religion. They were fighting men, and the earlier Rajput
rulers made much use of them in this capacity.

The Mers are generally supposed to have come to
Saurashtra with the Jethwas, and there can be little
doubt that they were formerly a Northern people. In
Rajputana there are still many of them, which is evidenced
by the district Merwara being called after them. But
in Kathiawad they exist in comparatively small numbers,
and almost entirely in the Porbandar State. They claim
kinship with the Jethwas on the ground that in former
days, when the latter found difiiculty in obtaining wives
from among other Rajput peoples, they married Mer
women. To this day, when a Jethwa sits on the gadi
of his ancestor in Porbandar, the ceremony of installation
is not complete until the Mer leader has made a blood-
mark on his forehead with a cut finger. This survival
does, in all probability, point to some blood-relationship.

J. ,,.

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l'. 1

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

The Mers have always been most loyal to the Jethwas of
Porbandar, whose armies in former days were largely
composed of them.

The Rabaris are said by bards to have come to Sau-
rashtra from Hastinapur (Delhi) and settled in the North
of the province. They afterwards went into the Barda
Hills, and as they were formerly known as " Barbars,"
it is possible the hilly jungle country was named after
them. They subsequently became split up, and one
section became known as " Babriyas," who gave the
name Babriawad to the district they inhabited. Like
the Mers, they also claim kinship with the Jethwas through
intermarriage. We gather from bardic legends they were
a very wild people, who shared with the Bhils the un-
enviable appellation " Devils."

At the time of the destruction of Walabhi all these
peoples formed the bulk of the population of Saurashtra ;
and we see that the North was still practically uninhabited,
while the Jethwas ruled in the West and the Chaoras
predominated in the South and South-East of the penin-
sula. But more important than either became the
Chudasamas of Wamansthali, a town eight miles from
Junagadh, now known as Wanthali. Of the early history
of this family we have few records, but we know they
originally came from Sind. After the fall of Walabhi
the Governor of Wamansthali became independent, and
his descendants ruled in Wamansthali after him until the
latter part of the ninth century, when Wala Ram was
Raja. Wala Ram had no sons, and the question arose
as to who should succeed him after his death. It
happened that among the Hindu tribes which had migrated
Southward before the encroachments of the Mahomedans
was that of the Samas, who settled at Saminagar
(now Nagar Thatha), in Sind. Wala Ram's sister had
been married to the chief of the Sama tribe, and her son,
Ra Chuda, was selected to follow his uncle at Wamans-

54,

THE FOUNDING OF JUNAGADH

thali. Accordingly, at Wala Ram's death, in about
A.D. 875, Ra Chuda founded the Chudasama dynasty,
adding the name of his father's tribe to his own name.
The Chudasamas quickly became very powerful, and
from an inscription at Dhandhusar we learn that the
rulers of all neighbouring countries regarded them as
paramount. The dynasty continued to hold sway for
nearly six hundred years, when the Mahomedans over-
threw it and annexed its territories.

Ra Chuda died about a.d. 907, and was succeeded by
his grandson Mulraj, his son, Hamir, having died. Ra
Mulraj, after making several conquests of neighbouring
rulers who defied him, died in a.d. 915, and was followed
by his son Vishwarah, who continued the policy of his
father in conquering all who questioned his supremacy.

The next Ra of Wamansthali, Graharipu or Grahario I,
built the fort at Junagadh now known as the " Uparkot."
This fort lies on a most commanding position in the town
of Junagadh, and about one and a half miles West of
the holy Gimar Hill. Its massive walls and strong
defences must have made it a very formidable stronghold
to attack before the days of artillery. The hill on which
it stands is supposed to have been the site of a Buddhist
monastery in the days of Asoka Maurya, and the finding
of Buddhist remains on and near the spot go far towards
showing that conjecture to be true. From its walls the
whole country round could be seen, and in course of time
the town of Junagadh came to be built round it, which
in its turn was surrounded by a strongly fortified wall,
thus making the citadel doubly secure. The word " Jima-
gadh " means *' the Old Fort," and the story of how it
got the name is somewhat quaint. It relates that between
Girnar Hill and Wamansthali there was formerly thick
jungle, through which no one could penetrate. After
several Ras of Wamansthali had ruled, a woodcutter
one day managed to cut his way through the forest and

i ■

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'■A

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

came to a place where stone walls and a gate existed.
Near by sat a holy man in contemplation, and on being
asked by the woodcutter the name of the place and its
history, he replied that its name was " Juna " — old.
The woodcutter returned by the way he had come to
Wamansthali, and reported his discovery to the Ra, who
ordered the forest to be cleared away. This being done,
the fort came into sight. But there was none who knew
its history, or who could tell more than the holy man
had told the woodcutter. So the place became known as
" Junagadh " for want of a better title. If this story
is to be believed, either Ra Graharipu rediscovered an
ancient stronghold or else after he had built the fort it
was abandoned and afterwards found again by a later
ruler. In common with most legends, the story above
narrated does not contain any dates, but from the evidence
contained in the Devyashray we may safely conclude that
Ra Graharipu laid the foundations of the citadel as it
now exists.

While the Chudasamas were becoming powerful as
Ras of Wamansthali, events were taking place in Gujarat
which were destined to affect Saurashtra. We have
already seen that in a.d. 935 Samatsinha, the last Chaora
ruler of Anhilwad Patan, died. He had no son but one
daughter, whom he had married to a man of the Solanki
^or Chalukya) Rajput tribe. The result of this union
was a son, who was given the name of Mulraj. Mulraj
was brought up with great care by Samatsinha, who,
before he died, nominated him as his successor. On
Samatsinha's death, Mulraj succeeded him and founded
the Solanki dynasty, ruling over all the territory possessed
by the old Chaora kings.

Before this time the Chaoras of Prabhas Patan must
have come under the sway of the Chaoras of Anhilwad,
for we learn that when Ra Graharipu of Wamansthali
began harassing pilgrims going to the great temple of

RA KAWAT A PRISONER

Somnath (Someshwar) at Prabhas Patan, Mulraj called
upon him to desist. This request was met with scant
courtesy, with the result that Mulraj took an army into
Saurashtra and inflicted a crushing defeat on Ra Gra-
haripu, taking him prisoner. Eventually the latter was
released on undertaking to molest no more the devotees
going to Prabhas Patan.

Ra Graharipu died in a.d. 982, and was succeeded by
Ra Kawat. From the time of Ra Kawat bardic tales
of the history of Saurashtra begin to accumulate, and to
separate the probable from the improbable is no light
task. Colonel Watson has endeavoured to do so with
much success, but many of the legends in the form in
which they have reached us cannot be entirely accepted.
It is likely they consist of a small amount of truth covered
over with a greater amount of exaggeration or conjecture.
However, in the absence of more reliable evidence they
must be accepted for what they may be worth. Of
Ra Kawat the following story is told while he ruled at
Wamansthali — or, to give the place its more modem
appellation, Wanthali : A certain Rajput chief, Viramdeva
Parmar, held sway on Shiyal Island, which is one of a
group of three islands off the Southern coast of Kathiawad,
near Jafrabad. Viramdeva's great hobby was to capture
other rulers and imprison them on his island inside a
wooden cage, the site of which prison is shown to this
day. In this way some thirty-six chieftains became the
involuntary guests of the island warrior, but Ra Kawat's
was the capture he most desired to make. Eventually
he induced Ra Kawat to meet him on a ship near Prabhas
Patan, and having thus obtained possession of him, he
sailed to Shiyal and placed his much prized captive with
the thirty-six others in the cage.

Ra Kawat had a maternal uncle named Wala Uga
of Talaja, and between the two there had been for some
time considerable jealousy as to which was the more

i ' I

s t

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

valiant. Wala Uga came to know of his nephew's enforced
confinement and determined to release him. So, taking
an army, he invaded Shiyal Island and slew Viramdeva.
When releasing Ra Kawat, he accidentally hit him with
his foot. At this, the erstwhile captive became angry
and vowed vengeance on his uncle, which he afterwards
carried into effect. Marching against Wala Uga with
an army, he defeated him, and killed him near Chitrasar,
in the Babria country. The ungrateful nephew himself
died in a.d. 1003, and was succeeded by his son, Ra Dyas.
During the reign of Ra Dyas his dominions were again
invaded by the King of Anhilwad Patau, when Dula Raj,
enraged at a lady of his family being insulted while on a
pilgrimage to the Girnar Mountain, marched with an army
into Saurashtra and captured Wanthali. Ra Dyas fled
to Junagadh, where he was besieged in the Uparkot.
Dula Raj, however, made his way into the fort, captured
and killed Ra Dyas, and massacred the defenders. This
took place in a.d. 1010, and after the death of Ra Dyas
Dula Raj returned to Anhilwad, leaving a Viceroy to
represent him in maintaining authority over the conquered
territories of the Chudasamas. The Viceroy's rule lasted
for ten years, and in a.d. 1020 Ra Dyas's son, Ra Noghan,
obtained possession of his ancestral dominions. Ra
Noghan, however, passed through many vicissitudes
during the time he was kept out of possession. After the
death of Ra Dyas one of his Ranis fled with Noghan and
took shelter with an Aher named Devaiyat. The Ahers
had become hereditary soldiers in the service of the
Chudasamas, and were, indeed, to them what the Mers
were to the Jethwas. On hearing of the place of conceal-
ment of Noghan, the Viceroy sent for Devaiyat and asked
for the surrender of the youthful heir. Devaiyat agreed
to hand him over to the representative of the Raja of
Anhilwad, and outwardly sent for him. But he gave
private instructions to the messenger to the effect that

SOMNATH TEMPLE DESTROYED

his own son Wasan was to be sent instead. Wasan came,
and Devaiyat was ordered to kill him, which he did. But
he swore vengeance on the Viceroy, and on the occasion
of his daughter Jasal's marriage his Ahers fell upon the
Viceroy and his men and killed them all. Ra Noghan
then sat on the throne of which he had been dispossessed
for ten years.

Devaiyat's daughter Jasal was then married with
much pomp, and went to Sind with her husband. There
a certain chief named Hamir Sumro endeavoured to seize
her and marry her, and on her sending a message to
Noghan, the latter marched on Sind and defeated Hamir
Sumro, in this manner repaying to some extent all that
Devaiyat and the Ahers had done for him while he had
been in hiding.

During this period nothing is known as to what the
Jethwas and Walas were doing in Saurashtra. Their
bards record long lists of names of rulers of the two
tribes, but these are not at all reliable, and supply the
only information to be gathered concerning the two
races.

In A.D. 1025 took place one of the most stirring events
in the whole history of Kathiawad, for Mahmud of Ghazni
attacked and completely destroyed the temple of Somnath
at Prabhas Patau, and in so doing created one of the
great landmarks of Indian history. Of the wonderful
Temple of the Moon we are so fortunate as to possess
such records that to make a mental construction of the
same or to understand the grandeur and greatness attached
to it we are not obliged to draw extensively on the imagi-
nation. We have been left, indeed, the account of an
eye-witness, for the great Arab commentator, Al Biruni,
visited Somnath when in India and placed on record all
he saw with much exactitude of detail.

Al Biruni was born near Khiva in a.d. 973, and died
about 1031. He made several tours in India, and devoted

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

much time to recording all he saw and could learn of the
manners and customs of the Hindus. He appears to have
visited Somnath twice, once before and once after its
destruction. The word " Somnath," he says, is derived
from the two words " Soma," meaning " Moon," and
" Nath," meaning " Master," and he gives the following
account of the founding of the temple :

The Moon was married to the twenty-five daughters
of the god Prajapati, these twenty-five daughters now
shining in the sky as twenty-five lunar constellations.
The Moon showed special preference for one of them,
Rohini, whereupon the remainder complained to their
father. Prajapati advised the treating of all wives
equally, but the Moon took no notice, and so the god
made his face leprous. Repentance now took the place
of indifference, and the Moon besought Prajapati to
remove the curse he had inflicted. Prajapati said he
could not altogether do this, but he would alleviate it by
making the Moon dark for half of each month, and that
if the Moon wished to wipe out the trace of his sin he
should worship Shiva and erect a "lingam," Shiva's sign,
as an object of this worship. Accordingly the Moon
erected the " lingam " and temple at the holy place Prabhas
Patau, and the name " Somnath," or " Lord of the Moon,"
was given to it. Patan itself is sometimes called " Sompur,"
or the " City of the Moon."

This temple and idol soon became famous throughout
all countries professing Hinduism, and by reason of the
gifts of the pious, and the many thousands of pilgrims
who annually visited the place, its riches quickly became
no less great than its fame. Al Biruni says that every
day a jug of water from the sacred Ganga (Ganges) River
was brought to it, and a basket of flowers from Kashmir
was daily brought to adorn it. Moreover, the harbour
offered shelter to seafaring people, and the place was an
emporium for trade between Saurashtra and many
countries.

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11

if.

MAHMUD LEAVES GHAZNI

Ibn Asir, another Musalman historian, relates that
whenever there was an eclipse a hundred thousand Hindus
assembled at the Somnath temple for worship, and the
shrine was endowed with the produce and revenue of more
than ten thousand villages. In the temple, he says, were
jewels of most excellent quality and incalculable value.
One thousand Brahmans attended daily worship, and a
band of three hundred and fifty sang and danced at the
gate of the temple, each one of whom received a daily
allowance.

Such was the place Mahmud of Ghazni was fired with
the desire to loot, and doubtless he was actuated by the
zeal of religious fanaticism. The actual date of this, his
tenth incursion, is open to a certain amount of doubt.
Ibn Asir says he set out from Ghazni in a.d. 1023, while
other historians give October a.d. 1025 as the date of
starting, and January a.d. 1026 as the date of the
sack of Somnath. From other sources, however, we
learn that Ghazni was regained in a.d. 1026, and so it
is most probable that the year of departure from Ghazni
was A.D. 1024.

The strength of the force which Mahmud took with him
is estimated as being thirty thousand momited men, and
this army marched by way of Multan and Ajmer to Anhil-
wad Patau, where the Solanki ruler, Bhimadeo, feeling
unequal to offering successful opposition, fled to the fort of
Kanthkot, in Kachh. Mahmud took Anhilwad, but did
not remain there long and pressed on towards the goal of
his ambitions, allowing nothing to stand in his way and
sacking numerous towns and temples en route. On
January 30, a.d. 1025, he reached Prabhas Patau, and
immediately assaulted that strongly fortified place. The
defenders put up a gallant fight, and the Musalmans were
at first driven back on all sides. Next day another and
more determined assault was made, and after desperate
fighting for nearly the whole day, the attacking force.

■il

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

effected an entrance into the town. In the two days'
fighting, and in the massacre that followed, over fifty
thousand Hindus were killed.

The victorious Mahmud at once proceeded to the
Somnath temple to find out whether the stories he had
heard of its fabulous wealth were true. A vigorous search
in pursuit of treasure resulted in the finding of a compara-
tively small amount, and the Musalmans were beginning
to think they would be obliged to return to Ghazni only
partially satisfied^ when Mahmud, in spite of the earnest
protestations of the Brahmans — or perhaps because of
them — gave orders that the sacred " lingam " should be
broken. Accordingly a fire was lighted round it to make
the breaking of the idol easier, and on its being smashed
a profusion of jewels poured from inside it, such that even
Mahmud was satisfied. The total value of the treasure
carried off is estimated at £1,050,000, and the famous
temple was completely despoiled, even its golden gates
being taken away by the conquerors to Ghazni. Al
Biruni tells us that a portion of the " lingam " was placed
before the door of the mosque in Ghazni, on which people
rubbed their feet to clean them from dirt and wet.

Mahmud left Saiu-ashtra as soon as he had collected
his treasure, and marched across the Rann of Kachh on
an ebb tide to attack Bhimadeo at Kanthkot. It is not
known whether this assault was successful or not, but it
is certain that the Musalmans did not spend much time
over it as they were in a hurry to get back to Ghazni, which
they reached eventually via Mansuriyah, in Sind, on
April 2, A.D. 1026.

The effects of Mahmud's onslaught were long felt in
Saurashtra, and the great temple of Somnath never quite
recovered its former reputation and splendour. A Maho-
medan Governor, Dabishalim, was left at Prabhas Patau
and Mahmud himself contemplated settling there, but
afterwards thought better of this idea,

s i

iiiliiiiilliill^

SOMNATH TEMPLE REBUILT

It is not known whether the temple was completely
destroyed, but it is more than probable that the fanatical
Musalmans left not one stone upon another. We leam
the original building was of great size, and was supported
by fifty-six pillars of teak-wood carved with lead, orna-
mented with rubies, emeralds, and other precious stones,
and each pillar bearing the name of a different ruler in
India. One thing certain is that the present ruins of the
Somnath temple are not those of the building described
above. Hindus seldom, if ever, rebuilt a desecrated
temple, and there is no reason for their having made an
exception in the case of Somnath, especially since we
learn that Bhimadeo of Anhilwad Patan effected a restora-
tion. This restoration is bound to have been so complete
that none of the original work could have been apparent.
Moreover, a new site must have been utilized, for tradition
has it that the temple desecrated by Mahmud stood upon
a promontory washed on three sides by the sea. The
Temple of Somnath now shown faces the sea on one side
only, and, judging from the position of the town walls
which surround it, it can never have had sea except on
its South side.

Mahmud of Ghazni's was only the first of a series of
expeditions against Somnath, for no less than five times
subsequently — namely in a.d. 1297, 1318, 1395, 1511, and
1520 — did Mahomedan leaders take their men to attack
it. The beautiful relic of Hindu architectural art now at
Prabhas Patan is doubtless that which was built by
Bhimadeo of Anhilwad Patan, and has withstood these
five incursions and the ravages of time. To attempt to
describe it is wellnigh impossible. It is very massive
and imposing, and its inner shrine is octagonal in shape.
The stones of which it is composed are cut with great
regard being paid to symmetry, and the carving in relief
on the exposed sides leaves nothing to be desired from
an artistic point of view. The whole building reflects

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

the best period of Indian architecture and is quite worthy
of the famous Siddha Raj Jaisinha of Anhilwad, who is
reputed to have undertaken the adorning of Bhimadeo's
building.

The gates of the original Somnath temple, which were
taken away to Ghazni, have never been traced, and they
are traditionally supposed to have found a resting-place
at Medina or Mecca.

CHAPTER VI

(a.d. 1026-1415)

Mahmud of Ghazni does not appear to have met with
resistance in Saurashtra, excepting at Prabhas Patan,
which was at the time of the sack in the hands of the
Solankis of Anhilwad. We find no record of any resistance
being offered by the Chudasamas of Wanthali, who were
predominant in the peninsula. The Mahomedans can-
not have wished for further fighting, especially since they
were taking so much loot back to Ghazni with them, and
perhaps Ra Noghan's hostility to the Anhilwad Rajas
caused him to look on at the sack of Somnath with grim
satisfaction. In addition he may have considered discre-
tion to be the better part of valour, for terror of the
Musalman invaders must have spread far and wide.

Ra Khengar I succeeded his father on the latter's
death in a.d. 1044, and enjoyed a reign of twenty-three
years, undisturbed by fighting. His son, Ra Noghan II,
followed him in power in a.d. 1067, and ruled with vary-
ing fortune for twenty- one years. He suffered defeat at
the hands of his hereditary foe, Siddha Raj, King of
Anhilwad, and was altogether a truculent personage. Of
his four sons, the yoimgest, Ra Khengar II, was appointed
to succeed him on his promising to slay Harraj of Umeta ;
to destroy the fort of Bhoira, near Jasdan ; to break
down the gate of Anhilwad ; and to split the cheeks of a
charan named Mesan, who had spoken disrespectfully of
him. Khengar at his father's deathbed undertook to
perform these tasks, and Ra Noghan died happy in
A.D. 1098.

65 E

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

In about the year a.d. 1090 another family of Rajputs
became settled in the Kathiawad peninsula. These
were the Jhalas, who formerly ruled at Keranti, near
Nagar Parkar in Sind. They were originally known as
" Makwana," a word which may be derived from the
word Macedonia, the c sound being hard. If this
theory be correct, the Jhala Rajputs can claim Greek
descent. In about a.d. 1055 the Makwanas were driven
out of Keranti ; and their chief, Kesar Deva, being killed,
his son, Harpal Deva, fled to Anhilwad Patau, where he
besought protection from Karan Raja, King of Anhilwad.
As a reward for certain services, Karan Raja bestowed on
Harpal Deva that part of Saurashtra which came to be
known as Jhalawad. The cognomen " Jhala " is derived
from a Gujarati word Jhalwu, meaning " to snatch
up," which was acquired by Harpal Deva's wife, who was
of the Solanki family, through her rescue of their children
from the onslaught of a mad elephant.

The Jhalas were first settled at Patdi, in the North-East
of Saurashtra; but the capital changed from time to
time, and Mandal, Kuwa, and Halwad figured in turn as
the chief town in Jhalawad, until in a.d. 1730 Dhran-
gadhra was built, from which place the present head of
the Jhala family takes his name.

There are now, besides the Dhrangadhra family, six
minor branches of the Jhalas who hold States of impor-
tance in Kathiawad. The Limbdi house can trace its
descent as a separate entity to Manguji, second son of
Harpal Deva. Wankaner dates from the end of the
sixteenth century a.d., when Sultanji, son of Prathiraj,
eldest son of Chandrasinhji of Dhrangadhra, seized
what now constitutes the State, with the help of the
Jam of Nawanagar. Wadhwan formerly, with Wankaner,
was part of Dhrangadhra, but dates as a separate State
from about the same time as Wankaner, when Ragoji,
younger brother of Sultanji, seized it. Chuda and

t5^;:iB!ri:'7iW\;35C-^

THE KATHIS ENTER SAURASHTRA

Lakhtar were formed in the early part of the seventeenth
century, and Sayla was conquered from the Kathis by
Sheshabhai, second son of Raisinhji of Dhrangadhra,
some time in the middle of the eighteenth century a.d.

It was some time about the eleventh century a.d. that
the Kathis first came to Saurashtra, but of the time of
their arrival we have no accurate information. We learn
that Ra Khengar (a.d. 1044-1067) had a number of
Kathis in his army, and later we learn that Khawadji,
one of the sons of Harpal Deva, the founder of the Jhala
family, married a Kathi woman and founded the Khawad
Kathis. But we possess no earlier records of the tribe
which, because of its fighting qualities, afterwards gave
its name to the entire province.

The Kathis are generally supposed to have migrated
from Sind to Kachh, where they settled at Pavar, and
afterwards to have settled in Saurashtra at Than, where
they became known as fine fighting men with a special
propensity for stealing cattle. The last of the race in
Kachh were driven out by Jam Abda, in the fifteenth
century. They believe themselves to be descended from
the Kaurawas, who in the distant ages before history
may be said to have begun, induced Sakuni, King of
Gandhara, to gamble with Yadhisthira, the eldest of the
five Pandawa brothers. Yadhisthira lost everything,
including his kingdom, and the five brothers were com-
pelled to pass a year in seclusion. Duryodhan tried to
find them by taking away cattle, which he was unable to
do himself on account of his being a Kshatrya. So
Kama struck the earth with a stick and immediately a
man sprang up where the blow was made. He was given
the name " Kathi," which also means " stick," and his
descendants ever afterwards took pride in cattle-lifting
and plundering. So much for mythical history. It is
believed that at the time of Alexander the Great's invasion
the Kathis inhabited a portion of the Punjab, and that

>V»'

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

they afterwards migrated to Sind, entering Saurashtra
later on. Subsequently a Wala Rajput named Werawal
is supposed to have married a beautiful Kathi woman
named Rupde, and for marrying out of his class the
Rajput was outcasted, and perforce became a Kathi.
His descendants became known as "Sakhayat" Kathis,
that is, Kathis with substance, while other Kathis became
known as "Awaratyas."

Werawal had three sons, Wala, Khuman, and Khachar,
who gave their names to the three great Sakhayat divi-
sions of their tribe now existing, and who occupied the
part of Saurashtra formerly known as Kathiawad until
the Marathas called the whole province by that name.
The Kathis were a brave and warlike race, and acquired
great reputation from their plundering forays. Their
women are said to have been very beautiful, and the
breed of Kathi horses became as well known as the
peoples who fostered it. They were formerly sun wor-
shippers.

The Kathis are the possessors of a curious marriage
custom, which decrees that a Sakhayat must marry an
Awaratya, and vice versa. There can surely be no

*^i,l-v''** »^» truer example of the democratic ideal than this.

if*"^ While the Kathis and Jhalas were becoming estab-

.inrf**^ lished in Saurashtra, the Chudasama Ras of Wanthali

were still the most important rulers in the province. Ra
Noghan H, before he died in a.d. 1098 removed his
capital from Wanthali to Junagadh, and from that time
the latter place began to assume reputation as being the
most important fort in the whole province, in course of
time surpassing even Prabhas Patau.

On succeeding his father, Ra Khengar II marched
against Anhilwad, in the absence of Siddha Raj in Malwa,
and broke down one of the gates of the city. The wooden
portions of this gate he took back with him to Junagadh
as a trophy and erected them in the Kalwa Gateway. He

illHiliilii

A VICEROY IN JUNAGADH

thus performed one of the vows made at his father's
deathbed, and after this successful foray against Anhilwad
he advanced on Umeta and slew Harraj. While returning
from Gujarat he assaulted and destroyed the fortress of
Bhoira, thus carrying out two more of his undertakings.
His last task, that of splitting the cheeks of Mesan, the
charan, he overcame by filling the man's mouth with
gold until he cried out (?) that his cheeks were splitting !

After Siddha Raj had returned to his capital, he made
up his mind to march against Junagadh and take revenge
for the insult offered him in his absence. There was
another circumstance, also, which prompted this under-
taking. Ra Noghan, his enemy, had married Ranak
Devi, whom Siddha Raj himself had wished to marry.
Roused to fury, he made a desperate assault on Junagadh,
and succeeded in capturing it. Ra Khengar escaped, but
was caught and killed in a.d. 1125 near Bagasra, a town
about thirty-five miles East of his capital. Ranak Devi
was taken by Siddha Raj, and carried away to become his
wife. He offered to make her his chief wife if she married
him peacefully, but she refused, and having cursed him
she burnt herself as a sati at Wadhwan.

Siddha Raj left a Viceroy at Junagadh, who remained
but a short time, for the people of Junagadh quickly
expelled him, and elected a new sovereign, Ra Noghan III,
who died in a.d. 1140 and was succeeded by his son,
Ra Kawat II, who ruled uneventfully for about twelve
years. In a.d. 1152 Jayasinha Chudasama, son of Ra
Kawat, ascended the gadi of his ancestors under the
title of Ra Grahario II. He died about a.d. 1180, after
a reign spent chiefly in plundering expeditions into
India. He was succeeded by his son Ra Raisinha, who
in A.D. 1184 was followed by Ra Mahipal II, known as
Gajraj. Gajraj died in a.d. 1201, and his son, Ra Jayamal,
succeeded him. Ra Mahipal III succeeded his father on
the latter's death in a.d. 1230, and he spent much time

1^ M

h I

r
\^^

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

in fighting against the Kathis. They defeated an army
sent against them under one of the Ra's generals, and he
was obliged to collect another force and to proceed
against them in person. The Raja of Dhank, a Wala
Rajput chieftain, supported him, but in spite of the
strong combination against them, the Kathis did not
suffer serious defeat. They even captured several villages
belonging to the Raja of Dhank. They remained unde-
feated when Ra Mahipal III died in a.d. 1253, and it was
left to his son, Ra Khengar III, to complete the work
his father had begun. Before his short reign of seven
years was ended, he had compelled the Kathis to acknow-
ledge defeat and to take service under him.

Ra Mandlik I ascended the gadi in a.d. 1260, at a
time when the Mahomedans were beginning to establish
themselves in Gujarat, and to change plundering raids
into permanent occupation of the country. The history
of the Mahomedans in Gujarat is full of interest, and
that of Saurashtra is indissolubly bound up with it. The
Chaora and Solanki rulers of Anhilwad had been unable
to include the whole of the peninsula within their
dominions, although they were undoubtedly powerful
enough to assume an overlordship over many parts of it.
This course, however, did not suit the Mahomedans,
who in course of time changed their position of overlord-
ship for that of permanent occupation ; but not, however,
until nearly two hundred years after their permanent
occupation of Gujarat.

The great Siddha Raj of Anhilwad died childless in
A.D. 1143, and was followed on the gadi by Kumarapal,
who ruled for thirty years. After his death in a.d. 1173
the Solanki dynasty began to decline in power, and
before it ended in a.d. 1244 it was able to put up but a
weak defence against the overwhelming onslaught of the
Mahomedans. Between a.d. 1178 and a.d. 1241 suc-
cessive invasions were made. In about a.d. 1179 Shah-

i!'iH*iP!ilP!*"IWfti|

IMIiiPiP

THE GOHEL RAJPUTS

buddin Mahomed Ghori of Ghazni made a raid on Gujarat,
but was driven back with loss. Sixteen years later he
despatched Kutab-ud-din Aibak with an army, which
plundered the country, but returned to Ghazni after doing
so. In A.D. 1296 Ala-ud-din Khilji seized the throne of
Delhi, and in the next year he sent his wife's brother,
Sunjar Khan — more generally known as Alaf Khan —
with his Prime Minister, Malik Nasrat Jalesari, into
Gujarat. Having plundered Anhilwad he turned his
attention to Saurashtra. Advancing on Prabhas Patan
he destroyed the temple of Somnath, and occupied all the
coast of the peninsula between Gogha and Madhavpur.
This belt of country contained all worth having in
Saurashtra at that time. It included all the most impor-
tant seaport towns, and the possession of these alone was
a source of great wealth. Moreover, it included the
whole of what is known as the Nagher, the long and
narrow tract of land near the sea which contains the
most fertile soil in the whole of the peninsula.

When Alaf Khan invaded Saurashtra, Ra Mandlik I
ruled at Junagadh, and he defeated some portion of the
Mahomedan troops. Whether they were under Alaf
Khan in person, or were under the command of the
Mahomedan Viceroy left to control the newly acquired
possessions, is uncertain. The Viceroy, however, cannot
have made much difference to the Musalmans.

Some years previous to the incursion of Alaf Khan,
another Rajput tribe had settled itself in a portion of
Saurashtra. This tribe, known as the Gohel Rajputs,
was expelled about a.d. 1240 from Khergadh in Marwar
by the Rathods. Sejakji, who was the ruler of the Gohels
at the time of their enforced departure from Rajputana,
had married his daughter to Ra Khengar III of Junagadh,
and this marriage proved to be most fortunate. On
Sejakji's arrival in the peninsula, Ra Khengar made his
father-in-law a grant of Shahpur in the Panchal district,

•I 1

I f 1

l! ■ 1

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

together with twelve other villages. Sejakji built a new
village called Sejakpur, where he established himself so
firmly that in a few years' time he was able to add to
what Ra Khengar had given him by capturing from
other neighbouring rulers other villages near.

Sejakji's son founded Ranpur, which he made his
capital. But this place was afterwards given up for
Sihor, and finally, in a.d. 1723, for Bhavnagar, where the
present head of the Gohel family rules, and from which
his State takes its name. Lesser branches of the family
are now established separately at Palitana, Wala, and
Lathi.

The Gohels may derive descent from the ancient kings
of Walabhi, chiefly because of the derivation of " Gohel "
from " Goha," the name given to the son of Shiladitya VH
after Walabhi had been destroyed. It may be noted,
however, that there is another theory that the word
" Gohel " is derived from go, meaning " power," and ila,
meaning "earth."

In about a.d. 1261 Wanthali is supposed to have
passed out of the hands of the Ras of Junagadh, and to
have been captured by a Rathod chief named Jagatsinha,
in the possession of whose family it remained for over a
hundred years. Ra Mandlik I died in a.d. 1306, and for
the next two years Ra Noghan IV ruled in Junagadh.
Ra Mahipal IV succeeded him in a.d. 1308, and reigned
for seventeen luieventful years, when he died and was
succeeded by his son Ra Khengar IV. The new ruler
determined to rid Saurashtra of the Mahomedan Viceroy
in the South, and soon after he began his reign he made a
vigorous onslaught on the Viceroy and drove him out of
the peninsula. Prabhas Patau and Somnath thus for
the first time came under the Chudasama rule, and Ra
Khengar rescued the famous temple from the decay into
which it had fallen during the Mahomedan occupation
of the country and restored it to its former splendom*.

"^■iiiiilliilli

iiliiRiiiiiPi

MAHAMAD TAGHLAK IN SAURASHTRA

But his success against the Mahomedans was not to be
for long, for Mahamad Tf ghlak Shah marched on Junagadh
and spent two rainy seasons in besieging the fort, which
he eventually captured. Ra Khengar, however, had his
kingdom restored to him, and Mahamad Taghlak returned
to Delhi. However, in a.d. 1346 another incident was
the cause of a second visit being paid to Saurashtra by
the King of Delhi. A cobbler named Taghan, who had
been raised to power in Gujarat, raised a rebellion amongst
the Gujarat nobles against the Mahomedan Governor.
Mahamad Taghlak marched with an army on Anhilwad
to restore order, and Taghan fled to Junagadh and sought
protection from Ra Khengar. In a.d. 1348 Mahamad
Taghlak again led an army against Junagadh and again
reduced it. But Taghan fled to Sind, and Mahamad
Taghlak, after subduing the coast towns and several
petty chiefs, spent the rainy season of a.d. 1349 at
Gondal, where he became very ill with fever. When the
rains were over, he continued his pursuit of Taghan and
entered Sind after him. But his health broke down, and
finally he died at Thatha in a.d. 1351 with his object
unaccomplished.

Shortly before Mahamad Taghlak came against Juna-
gadh, the Gohel chief, Mokheraji (grandson of Sejakji, the
founder of the dynasty) had forwarded the family
ambition by capturing Gogha from the Mahomedans,
and Piram Island from its Koli inhabitants. He settled
in security on Piram, which was strongly fortified. Hear-
ing of the loss of Gogha, Mahamad Taghlak marched
against the Gohels, and in a.d. 1347 Mokheraji was
defeated and slain, and Gogha recaptured.

In A.D. 1351 Ra Khengar IV also died, and his son,
Ra Jayasinha II, succeeded him and ruled for eighteen
years, during which time nothing very eventfifl appears
to have taken place in Saurashtra. He was followed by
his son, Ra Mahipal V, who in a.d. 1370 recovered

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Wanthali for the Chudasamas. He died three years
later and was succeeded by his brother, Ra Muktasinha,
whose reign of twenty-four years passed by in peace. It
was, however, but the calm before the storm, for after
his death Mahomedan incursions into Saurashtra became
more and more frequent and severe.

About this time Sultan Muzafar Khan, then a Maho-
medan general, began greatly to extend Mahomedan
power in Gujarat, and Saurashtra of necessity felt the
weight of his sword. In a.d. 1394 he marched with a
large army into the peninsula and attacked Wanthali.
Ra Muktasinha was powerless to resist the onslaught and
quickly siurendered, being required, as the price of
defeat, to pay a heavy tribute. He had previously
acknowledged the power of the Mahomedans in obeying
the order of Sultan Firoz Taghlak's Viceroy in Gujarat to
remove his capital from the strongly fortified Junagadh
to the less favoured Wanthali, and had agreed to a
Mahomedan Viceroy being placed at Junagadh. He
had even obeyed the order to take an army against the
Jethwa chief, whom he subdued on behalf of the Musal-
man overlords. And so it may be imagined that the
resistance offered to Muzafar Khan was not very stout.
After subduing the Chudasama, the Musalman general
marched against Somnath, and once again the famous
temple suffered desecration and spoliation. This was in
A.D. 1395, and from that date Islam began to be firmly
established at the place which for centuries had been the
very centre of Hindu religion and culture.

In A.D. 1397 Ra Muktasinha died, and was succeeded
by his son, Ra Mandlik II, who remained at Wanthali
and ruled for only three years.

About this time momentous changes were taking
place in Gujarat, the confusion caused by Timur's invasion
of India being chiefly responsible. Muzafar Khan had
tasted much power as Governor of Gujarat and Saurashtra

wmmKm

wmmmmmmmmmm^

PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS

under the Emperors of Delhi. But Timur the Tartar's
capture of Delhi, and the confusion which ensued after
his massacre of the inhabitants of that city, and his
subsequent departure, gave Muzafar Khan the chance for
which he had waited for throwing off his allegiance and
for setting himself up as an independent sovereign.
Accordingly in a.d. 1403 he declared his severance from
Imperial authority and invested his son, Tatar Khan,
with the sovereignty of Gujarat. Tatar Khan died in
the following year, and for three years afterwards Muzafar
Khan appears to have governed without being formally
invested as king. In a.d. 1407, at the request of the
nobles and chief men of the country, he formally ascended
the throne and ruled until a.d. 1410, when he was poisoned
by his grandson, Ahmad Shah, who himself assumed the
sovereignty and built the city of Ahmadabad as his
capital.

In A.D. 1400 Ra Mandlik died, and his brother, Ra
Melak, succeeded him at Wanthali. One of the first acts
of Ra Melak's reign was to remove his capital from
Wanthali back to Jimagadh, from which place he expelled
the Mahomedan Viceroy. Ahmad Shah was too much
engaged with other matters at first to restore his authority
in Saurashtra, but he found opportunity in a.d. 1414.
With the change of affairs in Gujarat, the various rulers
in Saurashtra, who had been made to acknowledge the
iron hand of Muzafar Khan, endeavoured to free them-
selves from the Mahomedan yoke. Thus we find that
not only did Ra Melak defy the authority of Ahmad
Shah, but Satarsalji Jhala of Jhalawad imitated his
example. As the result of intrigue, Satarsalji was in-
duced to throw in his lot with some Mahomedan nobles
of Gujarat, whose idea was to stir up rebellion and oust
Ahmad Shah from the sovereignty in the confusion which
would ensue. This plan failed ignominiously. After the
nobles had been defeated, Ahmad Shah attacked Satar-

* !■

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

salji Jhala, and drove him to take refuge with Ra Melak
of Jiinagadh.

Ahmad Shah then returned to Gujarat, but he sent an
army against Junagadh. Fierce fighting took place at
Wanthali, and when this place fell, Junagadh was be-
sieged. This fortress also fell after a short time, but Ra
Melak escaped to the small fort on the top of the Gimar
Hill, which is practically inaccessible to an invader.
There the Mahomedans left him, but they received
submission from all the leading nobles of Saurashtra, and
left two agents in Junagadh to collect tribute. Ra Melak
died in the following year, and was succeeded by his son,
Ra Jayasinha III.

With the establishment of a Mahomedan kingdom
in Gujarat, having its headquarters at Ahmadabad, Maho-
medan influence in Saiurashtra began to be very acutely
felt. Religion has always been one of the strong pro-
clivities of all Hindu peoples, and the Musalman invaders
were never renowned for toleration in this respect.
Accordingly, Saurashtra was to suffer greatly, for it
numbered among its notable places Prabhas Patan,
Gimar and Palitana Hills, and Dwarka, all of which were
considered very holy to Hindus, and against which
Mahomedan aggression was to be principally directed.
The Emperor Akbar alone of all the great Mahomedan
rulers understood the great advantage to be obtained
from religious toleration in a conquered country, and had
other rulers been imbued with his ideas of suffering each
man to follow his own religious feelings, Mahomedan
authority would never have been so particularly loathed
as was the case.

The result of such a policy was that fighting between
Mahomedans and Hindus was carried on almost without
interruption from the time Mahomedan authority began
to assert itself. In this respect, Saurashtra and Rajpu-
tana suffered very severely, for the proud Rajput rulers,

mmm

EFFECTS OF MAHOMEDAN RULE

in addition to being filled with an hereditary love of
fighting, would brook no interference in that most precious
of human possessions — ^the power of acknowledging and
commimicating in prayer with the god which each con-
siders guides his destinies and protects him.

Another reason for the hardships endured by the
Hindus under Musalman rule was undoubtedly the utter
want of sympathy shown towards them by the con-
querors. They made little or no effort to better the
conditions of their subject people, and their principal
idea was to obtain possession of wealth, and to work
throughout for their own aggrandisement. The people's
welfare was a very secondary consideration. And so,
even when Mahomedan rulers fought among them-
selves, the result for the Hindus was suffering occasioned
from collection of tribute or from a state of war existing.
Mahomedan armies moved as a flight of locusts, and
the country over which they passed quickly became
devastated and cleared of everything eatable or otherwise
valuable.

In spite of all these drawbacks, the prosperity of
Saurashtra was not greatly lessened. The ports of the
South coast still maintained their trade with other ports
of India and with foreign countries, and the value of
possessing a port in Saurashtra, even after more than
two hundred years of Mahomedan domination, appeared
so great to the Portugese that they let nothing stand in
their way of obtaining one.

■ it

rii!

CHAPTER VII

(a.d. 1415-1526)

Ra Jayasinha III of Junagadh succeeded his father
Ra Melak in a.d. 1415 and had a peaceful reign of twenty-
five years, for Ahmad Shah was too fully occupied with
affairs in Gujarat and with consolidating his newly
acquired power at Ahmadabad to pay much attention
to Saurashtra. In a.d. 1420, however, he was obliged
to despatch an army to the province to collect arrears
of tribute from certain of the chiefs. Sarangji Gohel
was ruling in Gohelwad, and on a demand for money
being made, his uncle Ramji, who enjoyed considerable
power, declared there was not sufficient money in the
treasury to satisfy the demand in full, but declared that
a portion of the sum could be paid and suggested that
Sarangji should be taken as hostage for the remainder I
This course the Mahomedans agreed to, and Sarangji
was taken to Ahmadabad. His uncle Ramji now
usurped his dominions and made no effort to release
his nephew by paying off what remained due of the
tribute. Sarangji, however, eventually escaped from
Ahmadabad and hastened to Saurashtra to recover his
possessions. Those supporting Ramji went over to the
side of the legitimate ruler, and Ramji, being left un-
supported, abdicated in favour of his nephew. He was
allowed to remain in Gohelwad, and lived at Dharai,
near Monpur.

Jetsinhji Jhala, of Jhalawad, was also visited by the
Musalman army under Malik Mahmud Bargi. He opposed

Miiiliiii

RA MANDLIK ATTACKS DWARKA

their advance with partial success, but found it con-
venient to change his capital from Patdi to Kuwa.

Ra Jayasinha III died in a.d. 1440 and was succeeded
by his brother, Ra Mahipal IV, a man who is said to
have been of a very religious turn of mind. He became
almost an ascetic, and entertained all pilgrims at Somnath
and Dwarka at his own expense. In a.d. 1551 he died,
and was succeeded by his son, Ra Mandlik III, who was
destined to be the last of the Chudasamas to hold un-
disputed sway in Saurashtra. Much attention had been
paid by his father towards Ra Mandlik's education, and
when he succeeded to the gadi he is said to have been
skilled in all sciences and to have been specially proficient
in the use of arms. He was married first of all to a
daughter of Bhim Gohel of Arthila, named Kunta Devi,
who had been brought up in the house of one Duda Gohel,
her uncle.

Ra Mandlik's first military exploit was an expedition
against Sangan Wadhel of Dwarka, because that chieftain
had omitted to send a present on the occasion of his
installation. A successful attack was made against
Dwarka, and Sangan Wadhel was taken prisoner but
afterwards released, and Ra Mandlik returned in triumph
to Junagadh.

Shortly after his return from this expedition, he
received a message from the Sultan of Gujarat to the
effect that his wife's kinsman, Duda Gohel, was giving
trouble and ravaging territory belonging to Gujarat,
and he desired Ra Mandlik to persuade Duda Gohel to
put an end to his forays. Ra Mandlik replied that the
enemies of the Sultan of Gujarat were his own enemies,
and he marched against his kinsman. After some fighting
Duda Gohel requested Ra Mandlik to desist from troubling
him, but Ra Mandlik said it was too late for him to go
back since by doing so aspersions would be cast upon
his honour. The two then fought a hand-to-hand battle,

.ijh

ii; '

H I

i-.[: !

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

in which Ra Mandlik killed Duda, and, after sacking
Arthila, he returned to Junagadh in triumph. Arthila
became completely ruined, and the branch of the Gohel
family residing there moved to Lathi, where it is settled
to this day.

Meanwhile much had been happening in Gujarat.
Ahmad Shah died in a.d. 1441 and was succeeded by his
son, Mahomed Shah, who was poisoned in a.d. 1451. His
son, Kutab-ud-din Shah, succeeded him, and died after
reigning only eight years. Fateh Khan, his half brother,
a youth of fourteen, was now elected king. In the words
of the " Mirat-i-Sikandari," " he added glory and lustre
to the kingdom of Gujarat, and was the best of all the
Gujarat kings, including all who preceded him and all
who succeeded him ; and whether for abounding justice
and generosity, for success in religious war, and for the
diffusion of the laws of Islam and of Musalmans ; for
soundness of judgment, alike in boyhood, in manhood,
and in old age ; for power, for valour, and victory, he
was a pattern of excellence." This quotation, while
displaying very accurately something of the character
of the new Sultan, also gives us an insight into what was
expected by Musalmans of a Mahomedan ruler.

Fateh Khan took the name of Dinpanah Mahomed
on ascending the throne of Gujarat, and to this was
afterwards added the title " Begarah," by which he is
generally known. The origin of this title is somewhat
obscure, but has had two different derivations assigned
to it. The more popular is that it is derived from
the two Gujarati words be^ two, and gadh, a fort,
and that the title was assumed after the capture of
the two forts Champaner and Junagadh. The spelling
of the Persian, however, conflicts with this, for the letter
r is shown as soft instead of hard. The other ex-
planation is that in Gujarati the Hindus called a bullock
Bigarhy because its horns stretched out right and

iHiPii

SULTAN MAHOMED BEGARAH

left like the arms of a person going to embrace, and that
the Sultan had moustaches like bullocks' horns, hence
his cognomen. He was a great eater, and he was in the
habit of saying that he did not know how he would
have satisfied his hunger had not God raised him to the
throne of Gujarat !

A strong hand was needed in Gujarat to keep all the
warring elements in the province in hand, and Mahomed
Begarah was soon to show he was determined to be
paramount both in Gujarat and in Saurashtra. He first
of all settled all troubles near home, and having con-
solidated his power in Gujarat, he turned his attention
towards Saurashtra. The complete conquest of the
peninsula appears to have been contemplated for some
years before Mahomed Begarah found time in a.d. 1467
to march against Junagadh. In the " Mirat-i-Sikandari "
we read that in a.d. 1460 the Sultan one day went out
on a hunting expedition, and held a review of his army
in the neighbourhood of Kapparbhanj. After reading a
prayer he said, " God willing, next year I will found a
new city." While he read the Fatihah his face was
turned in the direction of Saurashtra, which those present
took to be some indication of his thoughts. It is most
probable, indeed, that he did contemplate for several
years the complete subjugation of the most coveted
province adjoining Gujarat, and when he had made up
his mind he was not a man to be shaken in his resolve,
nor to desist from it until he had carried it out com-
pletely. The story goes that Ra Mandlik quarrelled with
his chief minister, named Wisal, and this man invited the
Mahomedan to invade Ra Mandlik' s dominions.

At this time Junagadh appears to have been sur-
rounded on all sides by thick jungle, through which
horses could not pass, and which were inhabited by a
jungle tribe of small stature known as " Khants." Some
remains of these people in the shape of memorial stones

81 F

I II I

■ i!

1; a^l

\ 'h

■■ ['■' >

I, .t-t,

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

are to be found even now at Bilkha, a town fourteen miles
South-East of Junagadh. Having arrived outside the
town, the Mahomedans proceeded to invest it. It
happened that Ra Mandlik had taken the precaution to
place all the women and children in the Mahabalah
defile, to which, if the Uparkot and Girnar forts were
taken, the survivors should proceed. Mahomed Begarah
discovered this plan, probably from the traitor Wisal,
and at once detached a force to hold the pass. The
defenders were in small numbers, and Taghlak Khan,
the commander of this detachment, quickly accomplished
his purpose.

Seeing this, Ra Mandlik made a sally from the Uparkot,
but was driven back and finally capitulated. Mahomed
Begarah was satisfied with his submission and returned
to Ahmadabad. But soon after his return he learnt
that when Ra Mandlik went to pray at the temple, a
golden umbrella was held over his head and he wore
clothes worked with gold and jewels of great value. The
assumption of these kingly attributes so offended the
Mahomedan that he assembled a force of 40,000 horse-
men and sent them against Junagadh in a.d. 1468 with
orders that the umbrella and other insignia should be
taken from the Ra and brought to Ahmadabad. Hearing
of the advance of the army, and of the reason for its
coming, Ra Mandlik sent men to meet it, taking with
them the articles which had given offence together with
a large sum of money as tribute. The army then returned
to Ahmadabad, and for another brief respite Junagadh
was left in peace.

But next year, in a.d. 1469, Mahomed Begarah again
took an army against the unfortunate Ra Mandlik, this
time without any preliminary excuse. The Ra, hearing
of this, went forward to meet the Sultan, and made
complete submission, promising faithfully to perform
whatever might be ordered him, and asking the cause of

RA MANDLIK DEFEATED

offence which merited this third invasion of his territory.
The Sultan repHed that there was no greater offence than
that of infidehty, and that if he desired to be spared he
must repeat the Mahomedan creed, and embrace altogether
that religion. Ra Mandlik, now thoroughly frightened,
asked for time to think about this proposal, and that
same night fled back to Junagadh.

Mahomed Begarah continued his march, and soon
arrived outside the walls of the town, where he found
the Ra awaiting him. The forts had been well pro-
visioned in the meanwhile, and had been made ready to
withstand a protracted siege. But a great deal of fighting
of a desperate description took place outside the Uparkot,
resulting in heavy losses on both sides, and after three
days the defenders were forced to retire behind the walls
of their stronghold. The Mahomedans now entrenched
themselves, and for many months the situation remained
unchanged. Finally, however, the defending force was
reduced to such straits that its position was considered
untenable. Accordingly the Ra offered to surrender the
Uparkot provided the survivors were allowed to retreat,
the object being to retire to the practically inaccessible
stronghold at the top of the Girnar Hill. Mahomed
agreed to this, but while the Ra and his troops were
making their way towards the Girnar, the Musalmans
attacked them in force and much desperate fighting
took place. As the author of the " Mirat-i-Sikandari "
graphically puts it, " Mahomedans in great numbers on
that day attained the honour of martyrdom, and Hindus
in crowds were sent to hell."

Ra Mandlik, however, and a mere remnant of his
forces, made good their escape to the Girnar fort, and
succeeded in holding out for some time. But provisions
became exhausted, and eventually the Ra was obliged
to beg for quarter. This was granted on condition that
he embraced Islam. After some negotiations the con-

^ I

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

dition was agreed to, and Ra Mandlik did homage, gave
up the keys of the fort, and repeated the Mahomedan
creed after his conqueror. He received the title of Khan
Jahan, and Junagadh was renamed Mustafabad. The
old name of the province also became changed, and
" Saurashtra " gave place to the shorter " Sorath."

Ra Mandlik surrendered in a.d. 1470, and he was the
last of the Chudasama dynasty to rule independently the
dominions over which its members had held sway for so
many centuries. Junagadh became a changed place.
Mahomed Begarah himself for some time took up his
residence there, and compelled his nobles to build them-
selves houses in the city. Learned Mahomedan Sayads
and Kazis (priests) were sent for from Gujarat, who
settled in Junagadh and in other towns in Sorath. Mosques
and palaces were erected, and the province became a
crown possession. For the collection of revenue and
general supervision a Viceroy, styled Thanadar, was placed
at Junagadh, and Ra Mandlik' s son, Bhupatsinha, was
given a " Jagir " (holding) at Shil Bagasra, near Mangrol,
where his descendants may be found to this day, occupying
the humble position of tillers of the soil. So departed
the glory of the Chudasamas, and Mahomedan rule
became firmly established in their possessions. Ra
Mandlik retired to Ahmadabad, where he died shortly
afterwards, and was buried in the Manek Chok of the
hazar.

Although Mahomed Begarah had practically subdued
Saurashtra by capturing Junagadh, there still remained
a small portion of the peninsula which did not acknow-
ledge his authority. This was in the Westernmost corner,
where the pirate chief of Jagat, or Dwarka, still main-
tained his independence. It happened about this time
that a certain Mullah, or religious man, named Mahmud
Samarkhandi, was on his way to Samarkhand when the
pirates captured the ship in which he was sailing and

■ipiiipilliliil

illpililllliiiilp

MAHOMED BEGARAH SACKS DWARKA

turned him and his sons out on to the shore, where they
were left. Their women, goods, and ship were con-
fiscated, and the Mullah endured many hardships before
he was able to lay his grievances before Mahomed Begarah,
who was in Sind at the time.

The sons were both young and could not make the
journey through Saurashtra on foot. Accordingly, to
add to the Mullah's difficulties he had to carry them —
taking one for some distance and then returning to fetch
the other. On hearing the accounts of his troubles, the
Sultan treated him kindly and decided to subdue the
lawless pirates. The Mullah proved most useful in giving
him information about the roads and the country through
which an army must pass to reach Dwarka, and Mahomed
determined he would never rest until the affront to a
Musalman were avenged. He sent the Mullah to Ahma-
dabad, and shortly afterwards completed his preparations
and marched against Jagat.

On his reaching that place the inhabitants fled to
Sankhodhar, a fortified island about six miles from the
shore, where the pirate chief lived, and on which was
collected all the valuable plunder taken from his victims.
Jagat was left defenceless and was given up to plunder,
its temples were destroyed and the idols broken up.
After the sack of Jagat, Mahomed marched north to
Arambhara, a place about twenty miles from Jagat, and
opposite to Sankhodhar Island. The camping ground
here was a hotbed of snakes, for the chronicler of Mahomed
Begarah' s doings tells us that on the first night of its
occupation seven hundred such reptiles were killed.
Ships were obtained from all available places near by,
and being filled with armed men they sailed to attack
the island, surrounding it on all sides. A fierce fight
took place, which resulted in a landing being effected
and in the forces of the Hindus being routed. Many
escaped in ships, but were pursued and caught. Their

'■ li

$'■

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

temples and idols suffered as at Jagat, the foundations
of a mosque were begun, and a Mahomedan named
Malik Toghan was left to govern the mainland and island.

All the treasure on Sankhodhar was taken away to
Ahmadabad, and the sack of the island recalled in many
of its features the taking of Prabhas Patan by Mahmud
of Ghazni four hundred and fifty years before. It had
always before been immune from attack on account of
its inaccessibility, and Mahomed was the first to effect
its conquest. The Raja of Dwarka, Bhimaraja, was sent
to Ahmadabad, there to be cut to pieces, and a piece of
his body hung over each gate of the city ; and with this
exhibition of cruelty Mahomed felt his task accomplished
and returned home to his capital. Musalman adminis-
tration was now introduced throughout Sorath. The
first Thanadar of Sorath was Tatar Khan, an adopted
son of Mahomed Begarah, but before very long the
Sultan's eldest son, Mirza Khalil Khan, succeeded him,
the Sultan himself journeying to Junagadh for the purpose
of installing him.

Shortly afterwards Waghoji Jhala, of Jhalawad, rebelled
against the Musalman authority, and the Thanadar was
obliged to march against him. The two forces met near
the village of Saidpur, six miles north of Dhrangadhra,
where a severe engagement took place, resulting in a
victory for the Rajput forces. Mirza Khalil Khan then
called upon his father for help, and Mahomed Begarah
assembled a large army and marched on Kuwa, which
place he invested. Waghoji Jhala offered a determined
resistance, and but for provisions running short would
probably have succeeded in staving off the attacks of
his enemies. Finally a counter attack from the fort was
decided upon, and the Rajput warriors sallied out with
the object of vanquishing their foes or of dying while
fighting. Before leaving their strong position, Waghoji
Jhala had told the guards of his female apartments to

Viiil

Miii

iiniiiiiiiiiiiiMi

THE SACK OF KUWA

watch his banner, with orders that if it were seen to fall,
his Ranis should burn themselves to death at once.
During the fighting the standard-bearer became exhausted
and put the banner down, on seeing which the guards
proceeded to carry out the instructions given to them.
The Ranis, however, threw themselves down a well on
hearing the news, and were drowned.

Meanwhile Waghoji Jhala after desperate fighting
managed to return to Kuwa, where he heard of the
Ranis' fate, and he immediately made up his mind to
go forth once more into the fray and to die a soldier's
death. He obtained his desire, for after killing many
of his enemies he was himself slain, and with him most
of his principal officers. Kuwa was sacked, and ceased
from that date to be the Jhala capital. Its fate created
a great impression, and reference to it is still to this day
among the Jhalas indicative of a great misfortune. A
Mahomedan Thana was established at Kuwa, and a
mosque was built there. The Jhalas had now to seek
another capital, and Rajodharji Jhala, the eighth son
of Waghoji (whose seven eldest sons had been killed
fighting against the Musalmans) chose the site on which
Halwad now stands. The story of his selection is that
one day soon after the fall of Kuwa, while out hunting,
a hare came out of the jungle and faced him instead of
running away. Rajodharji attributed the hare's unusual
courage to the good quality of the soil, and in a.d. 1488
he founded Halwad near the spot.

The next twenty years proved peaceful for Saurashtra,
their quiet only being disturbed by dynastic troubles of
the Jhalas. Rajodharji Jhala died in a.d. 1500, leaving
three sons and one daughter. The two eldest sons, Ajoji
and Sajoji, and the daughter, Raba, had for their mother
a lady from Idar, in Gujarat. The mother of Ranoji,
the third son, was the daughter of Lakhadhirji, the
Parmar Chief of Muli. When Rajodharji lay at the

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111
»; ■

;i 1 .-
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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

point of death, his father-in-law, Lakhadhirji, arrived
with a large following from Muli, ostensibly to be near
his son-in-law when the latter died, but in reality to
endeavour to get his grandson, Ranoji, placed on the
gadi. He was so far successful that when Rajodharji
died and the two elder sons left Halwad to attend his
funeral, he locked the gates of the town and distributed
money freely, with the result that when Ajoji and Sajoji
returned, they found the doors shut against them and
were obliged to go elsewhere.

After a couple of months, finding that Ranoji's
accession was favoured by the people, they journeyed
to Ahmadabad to lay their grievance before the Sultan
of Gujarat. But in this also they were forestalled, for
Lakhadhirji's emissaries had preceded them and, after
paying a sum of two lakhs of rupees, had obtained a
confirmation of Ranoji's accession. The discomfited heirs
journeyed into Gujarat and Rajputana, where they found
service under the Raja of Chitor. They never recovered
their lawful property, and died exiles in the country of
their adoption. Ranoji some twenty years later was
assassinated by a Mahomedan named Malik Bakhan.

About this time affairs connected with the island of
Diu began to assume a position of special importance
among happenings of interest in Saurashtra. A sea-
faring nation from the West had established itself on
the coasts of India and was beginning to find out the
places from which the great trade routes between India,
Northern Africa, China, and the Persian Gulf could be
controlled, with the idea of diverting towards themselves
some portion of the riches and trade passing through
those places. Their attention was inevitably drawn to
Saurashtra, and the acquisition of the valuable seaport
towns of that province and of Gujarat became one of
the principal objects of their policy. So far as Saurashtra
was concerned, however, after finding that the principal

i 'I-

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THK TAL-U K AT HAl.AVAD

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wmm^mK^imii^^

wmmmmm

THE PORTUGESE COVET DIU

seaports were under the rule of the Sultans of Gujarat,
the Portugese decided to procure, if possible, a grant
of land, with permission to erect upon it for themselves
a factory capable of being defended. In pursuance of
this plan they endeavoured to obtain possession of the
island of Diu, chiefly because of its excellent position
from a defensive point of view.

Diu is an island about nine miles long and two miles
wide, with an area of twenty square miles, at the Southern-
most extremity of Saurashtra, from which it is separated
by a narrow belt of the sea. It has a very ancient history
dating from about the fourth century a.d., when its
name was Dibu or Divu, and its inhabitants known to
ancient writers as Divaei or Diveni. Philostorgius, the
Greek historian, says that " Constantius sent an embassy
to the Homeritse, at the head of which embassy was
placed Theophilus the Indian, who had been sent when
very young as a hostage from the Dibaeans to the Romans
when Constantine was at the head of the Empire. . . .
Theophilus, having arranged everything with the
Homeritae, crossed over to the island of Dibu, which,
as we have showed, was his native country." This
must have been about a.d. 356. It is, however, open
to doubt as to whether Diu is meant or Ceylon. Hindu
legend tells that Diu was not an island until the middle
of the eighth century a.d., and describes how at the end
of the seventh century a Parmar Rajput named Vacharaja
set up a principality at Diva Kotta (or Diva Pattana),
and was succeeded by his son Veniraja. But after the
dynasty had ruled for seventy-one years, Veniraja was
drowned by an inundation of the sea, which made Diu
an island. This account thus differs so much from that
of Philostorgius, that we can only read both with interest
but without accepting entirely the Greek account as
referring to Diu, or the bard's story as genuine history.
It is to be noted, however, that there is now one family

i. ii

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

of Parmar Rajputs in Kathiawad, that of the ruling
house of Muli in Jhalawad, where they form one more
of the many diverse peoples inhabiting the peninsula.

Before the Portugese coveted Diu, however, it was
a well-known place, and of such importance as a naval
base that in a.d. 1510 the representative of the Sultan
in Sorath moved his capital from Junagadh to Diu so
as to be able to operate the more conveniently with the
Sultan against the ravages of the European invaders.
Previous to this, Mahomed Begarah had made a favourite
slave, named Malik Aiaz, Governor of Diu, and in a.d.
1507 this man collected a fleet and sailed against the
Portugese at Chaul, where a battle ensued. He lost
four hundred men, but inflicted a defeat upon his enemies.
This feat greatly pleased Sultan Mahomed Begarah, and
he showed great favour to his erstwhile slave, sending
him a robe and other marks of honour.

On November 22, a.d. 1511, the great Mahomed
Begarah died, and was succeeded by his son Muzafar
Shah II, who ruled until a.d. 1526, when he died. He
was succeeded by his son, Sikandar Shah, who lived but
three and a half months after his father's death before
dying at the hands of an assassin.

Mahomed Shah II, younger brother of Sikandar Shah,
now ascended the throne of Gujarat. But he only ruled
for three months before being deprived of the kingdom
by an elder brother, who had before been driven out
and now returned to rule as Bahadur Shah.

f
'i

:.! Ill

CHAPTER VIII

(a.d. 1504-1572)

The various processes by which the Portugese acquired
their settlements in India form some of the most interest-
ing episodes in its history. It was on May 22, a.d. 1499,
that the navigator Vasco da Gama arrived at Calicut, on
the Malabar coast, after having rounded the Cape of
Good Hope, and after having had a venturesome voyage
across the then unknown seas separating Africa from
India. He set out on his return journey to Lisbon in
September of the same year, and his accoimts of the
wealth of India were so inspiring that in the following
year an expedition under Pedro Alvarez Cabral was
despatched from Portugal. This expedition arrived at
Calicut the same year, and the first Portugese factory
was founded there, which was broken up, however, on
the return of the expedition to Lisbon in a.d. 1501.

Two years later Alfonso da Albuquerque arrived in
India in command of a third expedition, who saw that if
trade was to be maintained, the settlers must fortify
their settlements so as to be able to engage in commerce
with safety. Accordingly he established a factory and
built a fort at Cochin, and three years later, taking a
fleet of sixteen ships and a number of troops, he settled
at and fortified Goa and began trading and fighting on a
large scale. Using Goa as his base, he sought far and
wide for the places he desired which could control all the
export and import trade of Western India, and the
routes by which such trade passed. This search inevit-

i H

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

ably led him Northwards towards Gujarat and Saurashtra,
and his arrival off those coasts created consternation and
a certain amount of fear among the inhabitants. He had
established such a reputation for himself and the Portu-
gese arms by the capture of Calicut and Goa, that dread
of him had spread far and wide. In a.d. 1507 a Portu-
gese fleet arrived at Chaul, where we have already seen
that Malik Aiaz, Governor of Sorath, sailed against it
and defeated it with loss.

But this reverse only checked for a time the Portugese
advance, and at the end of a.d. 1508 another expedition
was sent Northwards under Dom Francisca da Almeida,
which came up with a Musalman fleet under Malik Aiaz
and Emir Hussain off Diu. On February 2, 1509, an
engagement was fought, which resulted after a whole
day's fighting in the complete defeat of the Maho-
medans, the losses, as computed by the Portugese,
being twenty-two Portugese slain and three thousand
of their enemies. Next year Mahomed Begarah offered
Diu to the Portugese, but Albuquerque considered
that he had not sufficient forces to hold it, owing to its
proximity to powerful enemies, active and potential,
and accordingly he refused the offer, intending to obtain
possession of the island when circumstances became more
favourable. Three years later, Albuquerque sailed to
Aden, which he failed to capture, and returned to India
by way of the Persian Gulf. After capturing Ormuz, the
chief seat of Persian commerce, he sailed to Diu. By
this time Malik Aiaz had assumed a certain indepen-
dence of the Sultan of Gujarat, whom he nominally
served, and when Albuquerque asked that the gift of
Diu made three years earlier should be ratified, he
bitterly opposed the suggestion, and submitted that the
Portuguese should not be allowed to build a fort on
the island. Eventually, however, he consented to the
establishment of a factory, whereupon Albuquerque left

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DEATH OF MALIK AIAZ

one ship at Diu and sailed with the remainder of the
fleet to Goa.

In A.D. 1523 Malik Aiaz fell into disgrace as the
result of his assumption of independence of his sovereign,
and died the same year while still holding charge of the
administration of Sorath at Diu. Malik Aiaz, supposed
by some authorities to have been a renegade Portugese
turned Mahomedan, had had an adventurous life.
Originally a purchased slave, he obtained in course of
time such influence over Sultan Mahomed Begarah that
he rose to be one of the principal men in the service of
that sovereign. On being appointed to the Governorship
of Sorath he lost no time in perceiving that a Portugese
footing in the province could result in the establishment
of a colony as at Goa, and he immediately set himself to
oppose the realization of the idea by every means in his
power. His victory at Chaul increased his prestige, and the
fact of his having removed the headquarters of the adminis-
tration of Sorath from Junagadh to Diu strengthened his
position in every way. The Portugese were thus unable
to occupy the island by a sudden attack, and the circum-
stance formed an excellent reason against the peaceful
surrender of the fort by the Sultan at Ahmadabad.

Malik Aiaz fortified Diu, laid out gardens on the island,
and built a bridge connecting it with the mainland. He lived
in regal splendour, and many tales are told of his liberality
and generosity. On several occasions he was called upon
for assistance, both by Mahomed Begarah and by
Mahomed Shah II, and on each occasion distinguished
himself. But finally his pride overcame his prudence,
and he quarrelled with other nobles, eventually bringing
the wrath of Sultan Muzafar Shah II on his head in
A.D. 1523 on account of his independent conduct during
a campaign against Rana Sanka, Raja of Chitor. Malik
Aiaz left three sons, one of whom, Malik Ishak, afterwards
attained a certain notoriety.

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V, I

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

In A.D. 1523 Mansinhji of Jhalawad succeeded his
father Ranoji, who had been assassinated by the Maho-
medan MaHk Bakhan, and he at once determined to
avenge his father's death. Accordingly he marched on
Dasada and took that place, killing Shahjio, the son of
Malik Bakhan. Sultan Bahadur Shah was at that time
absent in Malwa, so he sent Khan Khanan against
Mansinhji, who was soon defeated and obliged to save his
life by flight. He made his way to Kachh, where he
sought refuge with the Rao of that country. The whole
of Mansinhji's possessions were confiscated by the Sultan,
and the outlaw and his two brothers occupied themselves
in making repeated forays against the Mahomedans in
Jhalawad. Finding, however, that this plan of action
did not result in his being reinstated in his dominions,
Mansinhji eventually decided to throw himself on the
mercy of Sultan Bahadur Shah and to surrender to him
in person. Shortly afterwards he took advantage of one
of the Sultan's visits to Diu to carry out his design, and
arming himself from head to foot, he obtained admission
to the camp and presented himself before the Sultan in
his sleeping-tent. He replied to a query as to who he
was by saying he had come to ask for the restitution of
Jhalawad to himself, as he was the outlaw Mansinhji.
At the same time he made complete submission by
placing his weapons before the Sultan. Bahadur Shah
was touched by his bearing and pluck, and after hearing
the account of his doings since he was deprived of his
State, he treated him generously and restored to him the
property of which he had been dispossessed, but with the
exception of Mandal and Viramgam.

After the death of Malik Aiaz, the Sultan of Gujarat
appears to have realized the wisdom of his Viceroy's
policy in doing all in his power to prevent the Portugese
from establishing themselves on the coasts of Gujarat
and Saurashtra, for he made numerous visits to Cambay,

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THE FLIGHT OF MALIK ISHAK

Broach, and Diu. In a.d. 1527, while at Cambay, Malik
Ilias, one of the sons of Malik Aiaz, informed him that
his elder brother, Malik Ishak, had been instigated by
certain chiefs in Saurashtra to revolt. He had marched
with a force of five thousand horsemen from Nawanagar
towards Diu, intending to take that island, and after
plundering it to hand it over to the Portugese, who
were in the neighbourhood. The Sultan immediately
gave orders for his army to march to the relief of Diu,
and proceeded to Jasdan and thence to Deoli, a place
near Junagadh, where he learnt that Malik Ishak on
hearing of the advance of the army had fled towards the
Rann of Kachh. Remaining encamped at Deoli, the
Sultan despatched one of his generals. Khan Khanan, to
pursue the offender, and to bring him back alive or dead.
Before the Khan could come up, the Mahomedan
Governor of Morvi, Taghlak Khan, came out to attack
Malik Ishak, but was defeated, and the rebel made good
his escape across the Rann. After waiting for ten days
at Deoli, the Sultan marched to Mangrol, then to Chorwad,
and after that to Diu. He remained about a month in
the neighbourhood of the island, and after placing new
governors both at Diu and Junagadh, he returned home.
In the following year he again visited Diu, but remained
there only a short time.

Later on in the same year, while at Cambay, news
came to him from Diu that a Portugese ship had come
into the harbour, and had been captured by the Governor,
who had imprisoned the crew and seized the cargo. The
Sultan immediately proceeded once more to Diu, where
the prisoners were paraded before him, and allowed to
choose between embracing Mahomedanism or death.
Musalman writers declare the former course was taken
by all, but the Portugese historians deny that any such
conversion to Islam was made. Two years later the
Sultan again visited Diu, there to meet a party of Turks

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

under one Mustapha, who had come in a fleet of ships to
take part in the defence of Diu against the Portugese.
A new governor of Diu was now appointed in the person
of Mahk Toghan, third son of MaUk Aiaz, after which
Bahadur Shah returned to Cambay.

In A.D. 1531 the Portugese captured Mangrol, and
the next year again endeavoured to obtain possession of
Diu, but with no more success than had attended their
previous attempts. A large force sailed as far as the
island, but got no farther, and was obliged to retreat.
Shortly after this Gujarat passed temporarily out of the
rule of Bahadur Shah. A quarrel arose between him
and the Emperor Humayun of Delhi over the shelter
afforded a fugitive from the Emperor's dominions. Baha-
dur Shah wrote an insolent letter, after receiving which
Huma5am decided to attack him. Sultan Bahadur Shah
affected to despise the Emperor, and treated the news of
his advance so lightly that although he was besieging
Chitor at the time, he did not desist from the siege nor
prepare to make a stand against the powerful foe whose
anger he had invoked. He succeeded in capturing
Chitor, but was too late to recover after the trials of the
siege to make adequate preparations against Humayun's
attack. Consequently, when the two armies met the
result was almost a foregone conclusion. The army of
Gujarat was routed and Bahadur Shah fled by way of
Cambay to Diu, while Humayun and his army overran
the Sultan's dominions, and did not desist until he was
obliged to return to Agra on account of news being
received of a rebellion in Behar. He left governors at
all the important places in Gujarat, and the whole of
the Sultan's dominions except Saurashtra came under the
sway of the Emperor of Delhi.

Scarcely had Humayun left the country, however,
when all the nobles of Gujarat rose against the governors
he had left, and on his being requested to join in an

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THE PORTUGESE BUILD DIU FORT

effort to regain the kingdom, Bahadur Shah left Diu and
returned to Ahmadabad. The whole of Gujarat joined
the Sultan in his effort to drive out the Moghals and to
recover his country, and after a little fighting the Moghal
governors were expelled, and Bahadur Shah again ruled.

Diu-ing his enforced retreat at Diu the Sultan had
made friends with the Portugese, who had shown him
much honour and had promised him all assistance in
recovering his kingdom. After many protestations of
friendship had taken place on both sides, the Portugese
preferred a request for permission to build a fort, saying
that merchants who came to Diu were obliged to leave
their goods in insecure places, and their request was
granted. History relates that they asked for only so
much land as a cow's hide covered, but when permission
had been given, the hide was cut into very narrow strips,
which were joined together, and a wall was built round
the land so enclosed. But credence can scarcely be given
to this story. The Sultan returned to Gujarat, and
after he had gone the fort was rapidly and solidly built
and strongly fortified. A treaty of alliance was made
between the Sultan and Nuno da Cunha, Viceroy of
Portugese India. After regaining his dominions, Baha-
dur Shah regretted having allowed the Portugese to
build a fort from which they could not be evicted without
great difficulty. Towards the end of a.d. 1535 he arrived
at Diu with the intention of getting the Portugese
Commander into his possession and by using him as a
hostage to oblige his men to leave the fort. But the
Commander suspected some treachery, and was on his
guard against it from the time he heard of the Sultan's
return to the village of Khokata, on the mainland opposite
the island, where he had encamped.

One of the Sultan's attendants, Nur Mahamad Khalil
by name, was sent to the fort with instructions to bring
the Commander to the mainland by whatever artifice.

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

He was well received and hospitably treated, with the
result that he partook of too much wine, and on being
asked by the Portugese what thcj Sultan's intentions
were, replied in such a way that the suspicion of treachery
in the Commander's mind became confirmed. The
Sultan's attendant remained a night in the fort, and
next morning was informed by the Commander that he
regretted he was unwell and unable to visit the Sultan.
Nur Mahamad Khalil then returned to his master's camp,
and fearing Bahadur Shah's displeasure, only told him
part of what had been the result of his interview, declar-
ing, indeed, that the Portugese Commander could not
visit him through fear. To remove this supposed appre-
hension, the Sultan determined to go himself and reassure
the Commander, hoping to induce him to pay a visit to
his camp afterwards. Accordingly, taking with him six
unarmed attendants, he crossed the creek in a boat on
February 14, 1537, and entered the fort. Every honour
was there shown him. Gold-embroidered cloths were set
down for him to walk on, and vast quantities of rose-
water were strewn about to allay the dust and to remove
the odour of the sea. Plates of gold and jewels were
waved round the Sultan's head, and he was seated on a
chair of honour.

Some conversation ensued, and at a prearranged
signal the Portugese drew their swords. Bahadur Shah
now saw his plans had miscarried and had been turned
against himself, and he endeavoured to regain his boat
with his officers. He had almost reached it when he was
killed by a sword-cut, all the attendants also being killed,
and their bodies thrown into the sea. It is supposed
that after Bahadur Shah had regained possession of his
territory, he had written to certain kings in the Deccan,
inviting an alliance against the Portugese, and that one
such letter had come into the hands of the Portugese
Viceroy at Goa. News of the intended treachery was

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THE JADEJAS RULE HAL A WAD

at once sent to the Commander of the Diu fort, who
was thus prepared to meet his erstwhile ally on equal
terms.

On the death of Bahadur Shah II, his nephew,
Mahomed Shah Asiri, was invited by the nobles of Gujarat
to be Sultan, but he died shortly after his accession and
was succeeded by another nephew of Bahadur Shah,
Mahomed Khan III, who was at the time of his uncle's
death in confinement and living at Biawal in Khandesh.
He had been born in Saurashtra in a.d. 1526, and was
thus eleven years old at the time of his accession.

Meanwhile the North- West part of Saurashtra had
begun to be the centre of some activity, and the Jadeja
Rajputs from Kachh had become engaged in establishing
themselves in the peninsula. The earlier history of the
Jadejas coincides with that of the Chudasamas, for both
— ^together with the Bhatias of Jesalmir in Rajputana —
are descended from Narpat, Chief of the Samas of Nagar
Thatha in Sind. After the departure of the Chudasamas
to Saurashtra in the latter part of the ninth century, the
Jadeja branch of the family remained in Sind, subse-
quently at various times invading the peninsula, direct-
ing their attacks in every case against the Jethwas. In
the middle of the thirteenth century Lakha Ghurara was
ruler of the tribe under the title of Jam. Of his eight
sons the eldest. Jam Unad, succeeded his father, but was
afterwards killed by his brothers Muda and Manai, who,
fleeing with two other brothers, Sandha and Phula, to
Kachh, drove out the tribes there and established their
own rule. In about a.d. 1313, during one of their incur-
sions, they conquered and destroyed Ghumli, causing the
Jethwas to move south to Chhaya ; but they did not
remain in Saurashtra and returned to Kachh. Subse-
quently, in about a.d. 1535, they again invaded the
province under Jam Rawal Hala, who had been driven
out of Kachh after murdering Hamirji, the ruling chief.

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Jam Rawal settled in a.d. 1540 at Nagnah Bandar
(Nawanagar) and consolidated his rule in what was
known as " Halawad." This has since assumed its
present form of " Halar," by which the North- West
portion of Saurashtra is kno^vn. The name " Halawad "
was given to Jam Rawal's dominions on account of his
descent from Jam Hala, and of himself being known as
" Halani." Subsequently other branches of the Jadeja
family became established round about Nawanagar terri-
tory. Dhrol was captured from Dhama Chaora by
Hardholji, brother of Jam Rawal, some time between
A.D. 1540 and 1560. In a.d. 1697 Jam Pragmalji of
Kachh murdered his brother Revaji, and then placed the
latter's son Kanyoji in command at Morvi (or Morbi),
where his descendants still rule. Rajkot came under the
Jadejas in the latter part of the sixteenth century, when
Vibhoji, third son of Jam Sataji, conquered it with the
aid of his father. Gondal is also in possession of the
Jadejas, the State having been founded by Jadeja Kum-
bhoji in a.d. 1634. He afterwards obtained possession of
the towns of Dhoraji, Upleta, and Bhayawadar, built
forts, and established himself firmly.

Scarcely were the Jadejas settled in the Northern
parts of Saurashtra when Diu again became the scene of
much fighting. In a.d. 1538 a Turkish fleet under
Suleman Pasha having captured Aden sailed to Diu and
blockaded it. Mahomed Khan III, seeing in this an
excellent opportunity for ousting the Portugese, marched
with a strong force to assist the Turks, and besieged the
fort of Diu from the land side. The beleagured garrison
under Dom Antonio da Silveira fought gallantly, and
succeeded in informing the Viceroy at Goa of their plight.
After a siege lasting many months reinforcements in
small boats successfully evaded the blockading fleet, and
this timely aid saved the garrison from annihilation, and
Portugal from the loss of one of her most prized posses-

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SUCCESSFUL DEFENCE OF DIU

sions in India. AH the desperate assaults made on the
fort were repulsed, and in November a.d. 1538 the Turks
sailed away to Arabia, the Sultan also abandoning the
siege.

In A.D. 1546 Diu was again attacked, this time by a
renegade Albanian named Khoja Zulgar, who had been
taken up by the Sultan of Gujarat. The Governor of
the fort, by name Dom Joao de Mascarenhas, defended
himself with great valour, and after repulsing all assaults
the Portugese sallied out under Dom Joao da Castro
and inflicted a crushing defeat on the besiegers. Khoja
Zulgar was killed in the engagement, and the Portugese
inflicted punishment on the Sultan of Gujarat by sailing
along the coast to Cambay, which they burnt, and to
Sm*at, which they sacked. As a reward for this victory,
King John III of Portugal sent da Castro a commission
as Viceroy of Portugese India, but he only lived to
enjoy his new honour for fourteen days, dying at Goa on
June 6, 1546, in the arms of his friend St. Francis Xavier.

The Portugese were now very firmly established at
Diu, and found an island to be very suitable for defence
and fortification. Accordingly they appropriated several
islands off the south coast of Sorath, among them Shiyal
Island, which they fortified strongly and held until
A.D. 1739, when they were obliged to concentrate on Diu
after the capture of Bassein by the Marathas.

After the sack of Surat in a.d. 1548, Sultan Mahomed
Khan III concluded a treaty with the Portugese, by
which the fort of Diu was to be retained by them, while
the Mahomedans were to have the city and the rest of
the island. Diu was not again attacked by Mahomed
Khan or his successors, and the whole island subsequently
came into Portugese possession.

For many years after the death of Bahadur Shah II,
comparative peace prevailed in the province of Sorath,
broken only by the happenings at Diu and various petty

101

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

quarrels between some of the chiefs. A crisis was passing
over the kingdom of Gujarat, and after the death of
Bahadur Shah that country became a centre of intrigue.
The nobles formed themselves into several factions, each
party endeavouring to set up its own puppet as ruler of
the country. These rulers were for the most part minor
and but rulers in name, and the result of the unsatisfac-
tory state of affairs was that the supremacy Gujarat had
enjoyed over all neighbouring countries soon became a
thing of the past, and general discontent and disorder
pervaded the land. The quarrels and ambitions of the
nobles sowed the seed of destruction which was to over-
take them. Saurashtra did not suffer very greatly from
this state of affairs in Gujarat. It cannot be said to have
progressed, but it was spared for a time the incursions of
the armies, which although a negative aid to progress
had at least its effect.

The most important event in the province during
these years of strife in Gujarat occurred in Jhalawad,
where Raisinhji Jhala in a.d. 1564 succeeded his father,
Mansinhji, who had been given back his lands by Sultan
Bahadur Shah. Shortly after Raisinhji's accession he
quarrelled with several of his neighbouring petty chiefs,
and on one occasion went to Dhrol to visit his maternal
uncle, Jasoji Jade j a. While playing a game of cards
with his uncle, a sound of drums was heard, whereat
Jasoji caused inquiries to be made as to who was guilty
of the affront offered him by sounding drums within
sight of Dhrol. The offender happened to be an ascetic
named Makan Bharti, who was going to Dwarka, on
hearing which Jasoji' s anger was appeased. Raisinhji
then inquired what would happen were another chief to
sound a drum within sight of Dhrol, and Jasoji replied
that any one doing so would have his drums broken.
Raisinhji Jhala thereupon left for Halwad, and assembling
an army, marched to Dhrol and sounded his drums there.

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THE BATTLE OF DHROL

Jasoji in vain tried to stop him. The armies then closed
and a fight ensued in which Jasoji was mortally woimded.
Before he died he said that Sahebji Jadeja, brother of
the Rao of Kachh, would avenge his death. This message
was taken by a charan to Kachh, and on hearing of the
duty imposed upon him, Sahebji made all haste to depart,
being aided by his brother the Rao, who was anxious to
get him away from Kachh.

Sahebji crossed the Rann, and a fierce engagement
took place near Malia, where the Jadeja was killed and
Raisinhji left for dead on the battlefield. The Jhala
Chief recovered, however, and as soon as he was strong
enough to undertake the journey he went to Delhi.
Meanwhile Khan Khanan had been ordered to march
against Sultan Muzafar Khan of Gujarat, and Raisinhji
met him on the way, and laid his case before him, pointing
out that he had been left for dead and would not be
recognized if he returned to Jhalawad. The General,
however, advised returning and declaring himself, which
advice was followed with complete success, only marred,
however, by all his wives but one refusing to return to
him, saying they regarded him as dead.

Events in Gujarat, the state of which country had
been going from bad to worse, now took a decided course.
Mahomed Khan III died in a.d. 1554, whereupon the
nobles elected a youth named Ahmad Khan, a descendant
of Ahmad Shah I, to sit upon the throne with the title of
Ahmad Shah II. On account of the new Sultan's
minority a certain Itimad Khan was appointed Regent.
This man, after passing through various vicissitudes,
finally caused Ahmad Shah to be assassinated in A.D. 1560,
and by means of his influence another minor was pro-
claimed Sultan as Muzafar Shah III. The very unsatis-
factory state of affairs quickly became worse. Itimad
Khan quarrelled with all the nobles, who defeated him in
a battle near Ahmadabad in a.d. 1571, with the imme-

103

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

diate result that he appealed to the Emperor Akbar of
Delhi for help. Akbar was not slow to seize the oppor-
tunity he had been awaiting to add Gujarat to his
dominions, and early in a.d. 1572 he marched Southwards
with a large army. After some fighting he captured
Muzafar Shah and Ahmadabad, and established Moghal
rule throughout the province, appointing Viceroys to
administer it. Saurashtra remained for a time separate
from Gujarat, but finally it passed after some fighting
under the Emperor's rule, to remain so until Ahmadabad
was captured by the Marathas in a.d. 1753, and the
Moghal power in Western India declined and finally
disappeared.

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104

CHAPTER IX

(a.d. 1572-1692)

In a.d. 1556 Itimad Khan had made a so-called division
of Gujarat among the various nobles, and had allotted
Sorath to Tatar Khan Ghori, Governor of the province.
The formal allotment was probably made with the idea
of gaining a powerful friend, for Tatar Khan had become
virtually independent of Gujarat after the death of
Bahadur Shah. Some time between a.d. 1570 and 1575
he died, and was succeeded by his son, Amin Klian Ghori.
Great confusion now reigned in Saurashtra. All central
authority was removed and the several rulers engaged
in a game of land grabbing, the principal offender in
this respect being Jam Satarsal of Nawanagar, who waged
his wars so successfully that he became completely
independent, owing suzerainty to none. After con-
quering Gujarat, the Emperor Akbar decided to reduce
Sorath to his authority, and ordered Wazir Khan, who
was appointed Deputy Viceroy of Gujarat in a.d. 1575,
to attempt the task of subjugation. Mirza Klian, the
General deputed for the task, found he was unable to
carry out the orders. Marching into Sorath with a force
of 4000 mounted men, he was met just over the frontier
between the two provinces by a messenger from Amin
Khan Ghori, who sent word to say he agreed to pay
tribute and surrender the country, on the condition of
his being allowed to retain Junagadh fort, and that a
grant of land be given him. These proposals did not
satisfy the Moghal General, and he continued his march

105

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

against Amin Khan, who prepared to defend himself.
Arnin Khan appHed for aid to Jam Satarsal of Nawanagar,
who, only too glad of an opportunity of fighting, sent
an army to the relief of Junagadh, which had meanwhile
been invested. Mirza Khan was compelled to raise the
siege of that place, and withdrew to Mangrol. Here he
was followed by the united forces of Junagadh and
Nawanagar, and retired Eastwards to Kodinar, where
he was obliged to fight a pitched battle. In the fight
he was wounded, and lost the whole of his baggage and
elephants, escaping himself with difficulty to Ahmadabad
with the remnant of his forces.

In A.D. 1583 an upheaval took place in Gujarat as
the result of the escape of the erstwhile Sultan, Muzafar
Shah, from custody, and his arrival in his former
dominions. In this year Itimad Khan was appointed
Viceroy in Gujarat, and it was about this time that
Muzafar Shah sought help and protection from a Kathi
chief named Loma Khuman, at Kherdi, in Saurashtra.
Gathering together an army composed of about four
thousand Kathi horsemen and a body of eight hundred
discontented Moghal soldiers, Muzafar Shah marched on
Ahmadabad, which happened to be weakly defended.
The new Viceroy had not yet arrived from Delhi, and
when he got to within a few miles of the city he received
the news of its fall. Nothing daunted, he marched on,
but was vigorously attacked by Muzafar Shah and routed,
losing all his baggage and being fortunate to escape with
his life. As soon as intelligence reached the Emperor
Akbar at Delhi of what was happening in Gujarat, he
appointed Mirza Khan to the Viceroyalty, and sent him
with a large army to recover the lost province. Muzafar
Shah, who was at Broach, heard of his advance and set
out at once for Ahmadabad. The two armies met out-
side the city, and in the fight which ensued Muzafar Shah
was completely defeated and fled to Rajpipla. From

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MUZAFAR SHAH ESCAPES

place to place he went, until he finally took refuge at
Kherdi once again with the Kathi chief, Loma Khuman.
He now endeavoured to interest Amin Khan Ghori of
Junagadh and Jam Satarsal of Nawanagar on his behalf.
Amin Khan gave him the then waste town of Gondal,
and, collecting a small army, the fugitive marched against
Radhanpur, which he plundered. But the forces of the
Emperor of Delhi were too strong for him, and he was
soon forced once more to take refuge in Saurashtra.

Amin Khan Ghori now began to see the hopelessness
of Muzafar Shah's cause, and feared rendering assistance
openly in case the wrath of Akbar should be directed
against himself also. Consequently his offers of aid were
only pretence, and he managed to induce the former
Sultan to hand over to him a sum of one lakh of rupees
in return for support, which first on one pretext and
then on another was never given. The Viceroy now
marched into Sorath, and Jam Satarsal and Amin Khan
at once sent him envoys, declaring that the fugitive
was receiving no aid whatever from them. Muzafar
Shah gained the shelter of the Barda Hills, in which he
was left to be hunted down. The Viceroy marched
against him, after giving Jam Satarsal and Amin Khan
plainly to understand that any aid rendered by them
to the fugitive would result in his directing his attack
against themselves, at which they promised complete
neutrality. The Viceroy marched to Upleta, and thence
to the Barda Hills, on the outskirts of which he halted
and sent parties of small size to scour the jungle country.
Muzafar Shah, learning of his arrival, left the shelter
of the hills and, passing through Nawanagar territory,
entered Gujarat, where his following was again defeated,
and he was once more driven to seek refuge in Rajpipla.

The Viceroy now accused Jam Satarsal of breaking
his promise of neutrality, and marched Northwards on
Nawanagar. The Jadeja chief, however, submitted before

107

ii t

!■!

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

it was too late, and, after fining him to the extent of an
elephant and some horses, the Viceroy accepted his
submission and returned to Gujarat.

But Saurashtra had not yet seen the last of Muzafar
Shah. In a.d. 1591 he again returned, and his cause
was again espoused — this time with more genuineness
— by Daulat Khan Ghori of Junagadh (son of Amin
Khan Ghori, who had died about the previous year),
and Jam Satarsal. The Kathi chief, Loma Khuman,
also again came to his assistance. The Viceroy of Gujarat,
Mirza Aziz Kokaltash, again collected an army and
marched as far as Viramgam. Thence Nauroz Khan
and Sayad Kasim were sent forward to Morvi with
troops, and on arrival there a letter was despatched to
Jam Satarsal directing him to surrender Muzafar Shah.
This he refused to do, and, instead he began to harass
the advanced guard, killing stragglers, carrying off horses
and elephants, and entirely cutting off supplies. When
the Viceroy at Viramgam heard the result of the mission,
he hurried to reinforce the troops at Morvi with the
main body. Rain and mud delayed the army, but
eventually it arrived near Dhrol on its way to attack
Nawanagar. At a place called Buchar Mori, about one
mile North- West of Dhrol, the two armies came face to
face. Several skirmishes took place preliminary to the
big engagement, and it soon became apparent to Jam
Satarsal that Loma Khuman and Daulat Khan intended
to desert him, or at least to fight but half-heartedly.
He therefore left his army under Jasa Ladak, his Minister,
and rode off to Nawanagar to prepare his household for
flight. It happened that his son Ajoji was at that time
being married in Nawanagar, but seeing his father's
anxiety he immediately set out for Dhrol and joined
the army just before the big fight took place.

The two armies were drawn up facing each other,
the leaders of each side commanding their respective

108

•M ■

I
,1 I.

PiiiHipipipii^^

IMPIilililiP

THE BATTLE OF BUCHAR MORI

centres. The Viceroy's left wing was commanded by
Mahomed Ragi, while the right was under the command
of Sayad Kasim, Nauroz Khan, and Gujar Khan. Daulat
Khan Ghori appears to have been on the left of the allied
forces. The battle started with the flight from the field
of Loma Khuman and his horsemen, and a furious
cannonade on both sides. The Nawanagar troops then
drove back the left wing of the Moghal army, and victory
appeared to be within their grasp. But Sayad Kasim
succeeded in driving back the Junagadh contingent
under Daulat Khan Ghori, and Gujar Khan, coming to
the assistance of the hard-pressed left wing, the Nawanagar
forces were driven back in confusion. Soon afterwards
Jam Satarsal's son, Ajoji, and Jasa Ladak were killed,
and the disheartened Jadejas, being now without leaders,
gave way and were soon routed. Daulat Khan Ghori,
who was severely wounded, and Muzafar Shah were
joined by Jam Satarsal and fled to Junagadh. Both
sides lost very heavily, and the whole of the defeated
army's baggage fell into the hands of the victors.

The Viceroy now advanced on Nawanagar, which he
plundered, and detached Nauroz Khan, Sayad Kasim,
and Gujar Khan to besiege Junagadh. On hearing of
the intended attack on this stronghold. Jam Satarsal
and Muzafar Shah fled to the Barda Hills, where they
hid themselves. On the same day on which the Moghal
army arrived before Junagadh, Daulat Khan died of his
wounds. In spite of this loss, the defenders fought
desperately, and after a protracted siege the investing
army was obliged to draw off without having accom-
plished its purpose, and to return to Ahmadabad. Before
raising the siege it was joined by the Viceroy and the
forces with him, and the want of food supplies told so
heavily on the united forces that danger of starvation
compelled them to raise the siege sooner than would
otherwise have been necessary. Nawanagar now came

109

■H

IJ:

. t ?

■ ii

J ;r

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

under the Moghal Empire, and a Governor was left in the
town.

Eight months after returning to Ahmadabad, the
Viceroy again advanced to attack Junagadh. Jam
Satarsal was still in hiding in the Barda Hills, and at
once sent messengers to the Viceroy to inform him that
he was ready to do anything that might be required of
him provided Nawanagar were restored to him. Pro-
fiting by his former experience, the Viceroy agreed to
give back the Jadeja his possessions on condition that
he supplied the Moghal forces with grain so long as they
remained in the peninsula. To this the Jam agreed,
and was reinstated at Nawanagar, while the Viceroy
prosecuted the siege of Junagadh with such vigour that
it fell after resisting for three months. An Imperial
Fouzdar (army commander) was now placed at Junagadh,
who administered the province of Sorath for the Emperor
of Delhi, in subordination to the Viceroy of Gujarat.
Nauroz Khan became the first Fouzdar, and after him
Sayad Kasim, each of which generals had taken a
prominent part in subduing the province.

After the fall of Junagadh, news reached the Viceroy
that Muzafar Shah had taken refuge at Jagat (Dwarka),
where Sewa Wadhel, Raja of Jagat, was succouring him.
An army was accordingly sent to capture him under
the command of Nauroz Khan, and after a forced march
he came up with the fugitive, who, however, escaped on
horseback, and with a few followers contrived to cross
the Rann to Kachh. Sewa Wadhel was killed while
gallantly covering his retreat. The Moghal forces now
marched to Morvi, intending to embark to Kachh and
attack the Rao. The Rao, however, taking a lesson
from the examples of Nawanagar and Junagadh, decided
to surrender Muzafar Shah rather than fight, and sent
a message to the effect that he would show where the
fugitive was in hiding if he were guaranteed against

110

I ni

DEATH OF MUZAFAR SHAH

attack, and were given back Morvi, which district had
formerly belonged to him. The Viceroy acquiesced in
these terms, and Muzafar Shah was captured and sent
back across the Rann in custody of a guard of Moghal
troops which had been sent to secure him. The Viceroy,
however, was yet destined to be cheated of his quarry,
for while on the journey, after reaching Dhrol, Muzafar
Shah obtained possession of a razor and cut his throat.
His head was sent to Delhi for the Emperor to see, and
the Viceroy journeyed to Verawal, where he took ship
with the object of performing a pilgrimage to Mecca.

With Muzafar Shah's death in a.d. 1592 another short
period of peace ensued in Saurashtra, and the oppor-
tunity was taken of effecting some reforms. One of
these which came as a great boon to the cultivating
classes was to the effect that of all produce, the State
should take half, and half should be left to the cultivator.
Five per cent, as dues was to be deducted from each
share equally, and no other taxes of any kind were to
be levied. It can be easily imagined that after so much
turmoil and fighting throughout the peninsula, reforms
such as the above must have come as a godsend to the
classes which perforce had suffered most severely in
quarrels which did not at all concern them, and of the
causes of which in all probability they knew nothing.

The great Emperor Akbar died in a.d. 1605, and
after he had been buried at the Sikandra Bagh, near
Agra, with great simplicity, his son Jehangir ascended
the throne of Delhi. He came no nearer to Saurashtra
than Ahmadabad, which place he visited in a.d. 1616,
and so thoroughly disliked it that he never again went
to that part of his dependencies.

In A.D. 1608 Chandrasinhji Jhala, who had inherited
Jhalawad from his father Raisinhji, on the latter's death
in A.D. 1584 became the object of the first of a series
of attacks made upon him by Jam Jasaji of Nawanagar.

Ill

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

It happened that Jam Jasaji had married Chandrasinhji's
sister, the Rani Jhali, and both she and her husband
were very fond of playing chess. One day, while thus
engaged. Jam Jasaji captured his wife's " Knight " — called
in Gujarati "Horse" — at which she lost her temper, and
said : " It is no great thing to take a horse from me,
a woman, but if you can take a horse from my brother,
you are indeed a Raja." Jam Jasaji accepted the
challenge thus thrown out by his Jhala wife and attacked
Halwad. Accounts as to what happened afterwards
differ somewhat. In one Jam Jasaji is said to have
failed in all his attacks upon her brother, and to have
been obliged to resort to less heroic methods to effect
his capture, eventually seizing him through the instru-
mentality of a Nagar Brahman named Shankardas.
Another account relates that Jam Jasaji sent men to
Halwad, outwardly to condole with Chandrasinhji on
the loss of a son, but with instructions to capture and
bring him to Nawanagar, which was effected and the
Jhala was afterwards released only on the intercession
of Shankardas. Whichever account be true, it is certain
that after a good deal of fighting Chandrasinhji was
captured and taken to Nawanagar, and was afterwards
released. The incident ended tragically, however, for
Jam Jasaji taunted his wife about her brother, and she
managed some years afterwards to poison her husband
out of revenge.

Chandrasinhji Jhala' s troubles were not yet over,
however, for he was cursed with a number of quarrel-
some and rebellious sons. The eldest was named
Prathiraj, against whom the second and third sons,
Askaranji and Amarsinhji, plotted with the object of
supplanting him. They preferred a concocted story to
the Viceroy at Ahmadabad, with the result that Prathiraj
was taken there as a prisoner and there died. Askaranji
afterwards, in a.d. 1628, succeeded his father, but six

112

^iPHini

w^mfimmmmmmmimi^^

LOMA KHUMAN RAIDS GOHELWAD

years later his brother Amarsinhji killed him and ruled
in his stead. Meanwhile Sultanji Jhala and Rajoji Jhala,
sons of Prathiraj, sought refuge at a place called Bhadli,
and later Sultanji obtained aid from Jam Jasaji of
Nawanagar and conquered the country now forming
Wankaner State. He fought continually against Halwad
until slain in a fight at Mathak. But his descendants
retained Wankaner. The district of Wadhwan had been
considered since the arrival of the Jhalas in Saurashtra
to be the portion of the heir to Halwad. But Rajoji
seized it, and eventually it became a distinct State.
Chandrasinhji's fourth son, Abhyesinhji, was given
Lakhtar, and another Abhyesinhji, grandson of Rajoji
Jhala, occupied and retained Chuda.

In A.D. 1616, when the Emperor Jehangir visited
Gujarat, Jam Jasaji of Nawanagar went to meet him
and pay homage, taking with him fifty horses as
" Nazarana." At this time were fixed the forces to be
contributed by vassal States for the defence of the
Moghal Empire, and Jam Jasaji' s quota was laid down
as being two thousand five hundred horsemen. These
men were posted on the Southern borders of Gujarat.

About this time the Kathis began raiding on a larger
scale than they had before attempted, and directed
their attacks principally against the Gohels. Towards
the end of the sixteenth century, Visoji Gohel had
captured Sihor from Kandhoji Gohel, a petty chief of
Gariadhar and ancestor of the Palitana family. The
fine natural position of this place from a strategic point
of view at once became apparent to Visoji, and fortifying
it strongly he made it his capital. He was succeeded by
his son Dhunoji in a.d. 1600, and during Dhunoji's
reign, Noghanji, son of the dispossessed Kandhoji of
Gariadhar, was attacked by Loma Khuman of Kherdi,
the Kathi chief who had deserted Jam Satarsal at the
battle of Buchar Mori in a.d. 1591, and by him driven

113 H

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

out of his territory. Noghanji asked Dhunoji Gohel of
Sihor for help, but before he could collect his forces, he
in turn was attacked suddenly by Loma Khuman in
A.D. 1619 and killed in a battle near Velawadar, in
Gohelwad. Noghanji therefore remained dispossessed.

After Saurashtra had been placed under an Imperial
Fouzdar subordinate to the Viceroy of Gujarat in a.d.
1592, it is strange to find that with the exception of
the first and second Fouzdars, men of no administrative
ability held the post. Under the weak control of these
men, the peninsula quickly drifted once more into a
condition of grave disorder. With no powerful hand to
restrain them, the various chiefs sought to avenge private
wrongs — real and imaginary — or to add to their terri-
tories at the expense of some less powerful opponent.
Whether fighting with one another, or among themselves
within their own boundaries, the result was the same
for the unfortunate cultivators who formed the bulk of
the population. Heavy exactions were necessary to
carry on fighting ; but even this ill, great as it must
have been, was less harmful than that occasioned those
who happened to till their fields either near the scene
of a battle, or near the route by which an army happened
to be marching. And again the man who could bestow
the handsomest and richest gifts on the Emperor Shah
Jehan had the best chance of procuring the appoint of
Viceroy of a province of the Empire. Naturally it
followed that when a man had been so appointed he
endeavoured to make his term of office as profitable as
possible so as to recompense himself. This was an easy
matter in days when there were no means of communica-
tion other than by road — and Saurashtra is a very far
cry from Delhi !

Eventually matters became too serious to be ignored,
and it became necessary to send a strong and capable
Viceroy to Gujarat if that province and Saurashtra were

114

Hiiiliii

iliiPI

iii

THE DERIVATION OF " KORI "

to be retained in the Delhi Empire. Accordingly, in
A.D. 1635, Azam Khan, a man of real ability, was sent
to Ahmadabad as Viceroy with directions to restore
order ; while Mirza Isa Tar Khan was made Fouzdar
of Sorath at Junagadh.

The first to rebel against the newly introduced strong
hand was Jam Lakhaji of Nawanagar, who succeeded his
uncle, Jam Jasaji, in a.d. 1624. Then followed risings
of Kathis and Kolis. These were subdued without much
difficulty, but the Jam took no profit from their and
previous examples, and still withheld payment of tribute.
Azam Khan at once marched on Nawanagar and forced
Jam Lakhaji to yield. The full amount of tribute due
he was compelled to pay and, in addition, to surrender
refugees and outlaws from Gujarat and to promise for
the future never to harbour such people. Also he promised
to cease coining money. This privilege had been accorded
the Jade j as by Sultan Muzafar Khan of Gujarat, who had
granted it to Jam Satarsal, stipulating only that the
coinage should be called " Mahmudi," after his own
father. The story goes that on one occasion Jam Satarsal
was paying Nazarana to the Sultan, and produced a
rupee and a coin which afterwards became known as
" Kori." By way of compliment he said : " Just as the
dignity of Rajas is increased by the gift of their daughters
to the Sultan their overlord, so I marry my coin as a
' Kimwari ' to this rupee of yours, hoping her honour
will increase." This so pleased the Sultan that he gave
permission to open a mint, and directed that the small
coin which the Jam had presented with the rupee should
be known at " Kunwari," which afterwards became
contracted to " Kori."

Having completed the subjugation of the Jam, Azam
Khan, in a.d. 1640, returned to Ahmadabad. The centre
of interest in Sorath now changed from Nawanagar to
Gohelwad, at the opposite corner of the province. In

115

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

A.D. 1622 Govindji Gohel, uncle of the heir to the gadiy
had usurped it on the death of his brother Harbhamji.
The infant Akherajji, the rightful heir, was taken by his
mother to Kachh, in which country he grew to manhood.
Certain supporters of their lawful ruler endeavoured to
oust Govindji, who, to strengthen himself and his cause,
sought aid from Mirza Isa Tar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath.
As consideration for this aid, in a.d. 1636 the Fouzdar
was given all Govindji's rights in the valuable port
of Gogha, in Gohelwad. Shortly afterwards, however,
Govindji Gohel died, and his son Satarsalji was nominated
to succeed him. Akherajji's supporters now redoubled
their efforts to secure Gohelwad for the lawful ruler, and
succeeded in surprising Satarsalji while asleep, and in
carrying him off. They now induced a Kathi chieftain,
Samat Khiunan, to espouse their cause, and with his help
in A.D. 1636 Akherajji succeeded to the position he
should have occupied fourteen years earlier. Shortly
afterwards Noghanji, who had been driven out of his
property at Gariadhar in a.d. 1619 and had not yet
succeeded in reinstating himself, asked Akherajji for aid
in recovering his possessions. This being given, a surprise
attack was made on the Kathis, who were driven out,
and Noghanji came into his own again. Before Akherajji
Gohel died in a.d. 1660 he obtained from the Moghal
Government the " Chouth," or fourth part of the revenue
of the port of Gogha, which his uncle had alienated.

Affairs in Jhalawad now claimed attention. On
Chandrasinhji Jhala's death in a.d. 1628 his second son,
Askaranji (who, it will be remembered, with his brother
Amarsinhji had succeeded in effecting the removal to
Ahmadabad of Prathirajji, eldest son and heir of Chandra-
sinhji), succeeded him. But six years later he was
assassinated by his brother and former co-conspirator,
Amarsinhji, who took his place. But Amarsinhji was not
permitted to rule in peace. Prathirajji's son, Sultanji

116

Sowars of Armed Camelry.

Incidents while bombarding Chital
(British Artillery depicted).

A Skirmish near Chital.

Bapjiraj Gohel (on Elephantress " Koka ")

welcoming Thakore Ataji to his Capital

after the Chital Campaign

(British Soldiers depicted).

Thakor Wakhatsinhji, alias Atybhai. on

his favourite mare " Sihun," carrying

his famous Lance.

FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR.

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if 1 1

i \ i

i I I

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

A.D. 1622 Govindji Gohel, uncle of the heir to the gadi,
had usurped it on the death of his brother Harbhamji.
The infant Akherajji, the rightful heir, was taken by his
mother to Kachh, in which country he grew to manhood.
Certain supporters of their lawful ruler endeavoured to
oust Govindji, who, to strengthen himself and his cause,
sought aid from Mirza Isa Tar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath.
As consideration for this aid, in a.d. 1636 the Fouzdar
was given all Govindji's rights in the valuable port
of Gogha, in Gohelwad. Shortly afterwards, however,
Govindji Gohel died, and his son Satarsalji was nominated
to succeed him. Akherajji's supporters now redoubled
their efforts to secure Gohelwad for the lawful ruler, and
succeeded in surprising Satarsalji while asleep, and in
carrying him off. They now induced a Kathi chieftain,
Samat Khuman, to espouse their cause, and with his help
in A.D. 1636 Akherajji succeeded to the position he
should have occupied fourteen years earlier. Shortly
afterwards Noghanji, who had been driven out of his
property at Gariadhar in a.d. 1619 and had not yet
succeeded in reinstating himself, asked Akherajji for aid
in recovering his possessions. This being given, a surprise
attack was made on the Kathis, who were driven out,
and Noghanji came into his own again. Before Akherajji
Gohel died in a.d. 1660 he obtained from the Moghal
Government the " Chouth," or fourth part of the revenue
of the port of Gogha, which his uncle had alienated.

116

sowars o

f Armed Camel

melry.

Incidents while bombarding Chital
(British Artillery depicted).

A Skirmish near Chital.

-li

Bapjiraj Gohel (on Elephantress " Koka ")

welcoming Thakore Ataji to his Capital

after the Chital Campaign

(British Soldiers depicted).

Thakor Wakhatsinhji, alias Atybhai, on

his favourite mare " Sihun." carrying

his famous Lance.

FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR

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RAIDING IN JHALAWAD

Jhala of Wankaner, made continued raids on Halwad
territory. After some time Amarsinhji allied himself to
the Kathis, and the Parmar Rajput chief of Muli, who
carried the warfare into Wankaner territory, and on one
occasion carried off a number of cattle. Sultanji, how-
ever, pursued them as they were retiring, but, being
reinforced by some of Amarsinhji's troops, they turned
round and made a stand. As a result Sultanji was killed,
and the battle was commemorated by the erection of a
temple on the site. After Sultanji's death, Amarsinhji
ruled in peace imtil he died in a.d. 1645.

In past times one of the most fruitful sources of
troubles in the dominions of the many semi-independent
rulers in Saurashtra and elsewhere was the introduction
of spurious male children into a chief's family, if he
happened to be without male offspring and without
probability of being blessed with any. Such a course
sometimes appeared necessary, either to assure succes-
sion of the line or to guard against the succession of
a collateral. In the latter case two motives usually
prompted such measures. Firstly, a Rani after her
husband's death (unless she burnt herself on his funeral
pyre) knew she would be supplanted in her position
and would become a very unimportant personage ; while
secondly, those retainers and dependents of a childless
chief stood a great chance of losing their posts should a
collateral succeed, in which case he would almost certainly
surround himself with his own friends and servants.
One, or perhaps both, of these motives was responsible
for the introduction of a spurious male child into the
family of Jam Ranmalji of Nawanagar before he died
in A.D. 1661. The Jam had married a lady of the Jodhpur
family, and the union had not resulted in any offspring.
Consequently, with the aid of a servant named Malik Isa
and her brother, Govardhan Rathod, she managed to
procure from outside a newly bom male child, which

117

1.1:

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

she gave out as her own, and named Satoji. However,
Jadeja Raisinhji, brother of Jam Ranmalji, came to hear
of the fraud perpetrated at his expense, and managed to
induce his brother to declare to the leading men of the
State that the child was spurious and that he wished
Raisinhji to succeed him. In a.d. 1661, on the death
of Jam Ranmalji, the Jodhpur lady and her brother
proclaimed the infant Satoji to be his successor, and a
durbar was arranged by her, to which only women were
invited. Raisinhji, however, managed to dress some of
his party up as women, and so to gain admittance for
them to the durbar. These fell upon all the male sup-
porters of the Rani and massacred them. Govardhan
Rathod and his sister were driven away, and Raisinhji
was proclaimed Jam. The Viceroy of Gujarat at this
time was Jaswantsinhji of Jodhpur, but he happened
to be away and Kutab-ud-din, Fouzdar of Sorath, was
acting for him. The Rani went to Ahmadabad and
besought him to assist her, declaring Satoji was the
legitimate heir, and Kutab-ud-din assembled an army
and at once marched on Nawanagar. Raisinhji came
out to meet him, and the two armies met at Shekhpat,
where a battle was fought, and Raisinhji was slain.
Kutab-ud-din captured Nawanagar, and renaming the
city " Islamnagar " added it and the whole of Halawad
to the crown dominions. Shortly afterwards, Kutab-
ud-din was sent with an army to aid Jaswantsinhji of
Jodhpur in the Deccan, and Sardar Khan was appointed
Fouzdar of Sorath and in charge of Islamnagar, an
additional force of five hundred horsemen being placed
under him.

With the exception of the plundering of Diu by Arab
invaders in a.d. 1670, affairs in Saurashtra during the
remainder of the seventeenth century were not of very
great moment. Peace was fairly generally established,
and a certain amount of time was devoted towards

118

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wmmmmmmm

JADEJA TAMACHI AT NAWANAGAR

making revenue assessments and fixing rules for dues
and taxes. One of these, which was most unpopular,
was the confiscation by an Imperial order of all land
held by Hindus on religious tenure. In another case
Mahomedans were especially favoured. They were ex-
cused payment of transit dues and taxes on grass, fire-
wood, and vegetables, among certain others. This
creation of an invidious distinction between ruling and
subordinate races must have produced a very bad effect.
Also the fining of Musalman officials or landholders
was forbidden as contrary to Mahomedan law. Im-
prisonment, however, for misdemeanour was retained.

On the annexation of Nawanagar to the Imperial
dominions in a.d. 1664, Jadeja Tamachi, son of Jam
Raisinhji, had escaped to Kachh. Subsequently he began
a series of raids against Musalman authority, and became
a thorn in the flesh of the Mahomedan Governor of
Nawanagar. Finally he approached Jaswantsinhji of
Jodhpur (who had been made Viceroy of Gujarat for the
second time in a.d. 1671) for the restoration to him of
his ancestral dominions, and on the Viceroy's intercession
before the Emperor Aurangzeb the latter seated him
on the Nawanagar gadi on condition that he kept
order within the boundaries of his territory, and served
the Viceroy whenever called upoji. But until the
Emperor Aurangzeb died in a.d. 1707 a Mahomedan
Fouzdar was kept in Nawanagar city, and the Jam was
obliged to live at Khambhalia, some thirty miles away.

In A.D. 1673 Jaswantsinhji Jhala succeeded to Hal wad.
It happened that his sister had married Ajitsinhji Rathod
of Jodhpur, son of Chandrasinhji, Viceroy of Gujarat.
This lady, on the death of her father in a.d. 1673, besought
her father-in-law, the Viceroy, to take an army against
Halwad, which he did, being successful and expelling
Jaswantsinhji Jhala from his dominions. Halwad was
now re-named Mahomednagar, and given to a Musalman,

119

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Nazar Ali Khan Babi, as a "Jagir," by whom it was
held for six years. In a.d. 1679 Chandrasinhji Jhala
of Wankaner drove out the Mahomedan, to be expelled
himself in turn by Jaswantsinhji three years later.
Jaswantsinhji then appealed to the Emperor Aurangzeb,
who acknowledged the justice of his case, and confirmed
him in the possession of his property.

In A.D. 1684 Abdur Rahman Krori, the Mahomedan
Governor of Diu Island, made himself particularly un-
popular with the people, at whose unanimous request he
was removed. Sardar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath, appointed
one Mahomed Say ad to be his successor, and shortly
afterwards was transferred to Sind as Viceroy, being
followed in Saurashtra by Sayad Mahomed Shah. The
new Fouzdar, however, did not remain long, for shortly
afterwards the province was assigned to Mahomed Azam
Shah Bahadur, a cadet of the Imperial family, as his
personal estate, and Shahrwadi Khan was appointed
Governor on his behalf.

Meanwhile the Kathis had merited punishment by
plundering both in Saurashtra and in Gujarat. Their
raids were fast becoming too daring to tolerate, and in
A.D. 1692 it was decided that a force from Ahmadabad
should be sent against them. Shujat Khan, the Viceroy,
led the army in person, and advancing into Saurashtra
he attacked and plundered Than, which the Kathis had
fortified strongly. The fort was razed to the ground,
and the army returned to Ahmadabad without molesta-
tion.

^ !

120

liiililiiilplil

iHiii

CHAPTER X

(a.d. 1692-1760)

The history of Saurashtra during the eighteenth century
may be said to be that of the most critical of the many
transition stages in the eventful history of the province.
The powerful Mahomedan rule began to decline before
the marauding raids of the Marathas, and the surface of
the fair peninsula of Western India became stained with
the blood of many fights — the result of aggression from
without, and of internal trouble within its borders. We
have seen how it had become filled with warring elements ;
how the numerous tribes composing its population made
not for harmony but for discord ; how in spite of all the
drawbacks of continued warfare it still throve ; and,
finally, how desirable a land it must have appeared to
those wild and brave hosts of the parched Deccan, who
were to seek from it the wealth which their own country
denied them.

The century was ushered in by a furious attack in
A.D. 1705 on the Southern border of Gujarat by a Maratha
army of fifteen thousand men, which burst through the
defending cordon like a whirlwind and devastated the
country. Two successive Mahomedan armies were com-
pletely defeated, and after taking what they could collect
in the shape of loot and ransom-money, the victorious
Marathas retired to their own country. In a.d. 1711,
however, they were defeated at Ankleshwar in a similar
raiding expedition, and on that occasion, when the Fouzdar
of Sorath, Sayad Ahmad Gilani, was called upon for aid,

121

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i I ■

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

the assistance brought by him went far towards ensuring
victory. Three years later Sayad Ahmad was superseded,
his appointment being given to Abhesinhji, son of Ajit-
sinhji of Marwar, who had given his daughter in marriage
to the Emperor Farukhsiyar. Abhesinhji did not come
to Sorath, but deputed Kayat Fatehsinhjito perform the
duties of his office on his behalf. This arrangement was
not allowed to stand for long, however, and Abhesinhji
was in the same year removed from the post in favour of
Abdul Hamid Khan. In a.d. 1714 Daud Khan was made
Viceroy of Gujarat, Abdul Hamid Khan acting for him.
Shortly after his arrival at Ahmadabad, Daud Khan took
his army into Saurashtra, levying the accustomed tribute
without opposition and marrying also, when at Halwad,
a daughter of Jaswantsinhji Jhala. But his Viceroy alty
did not prove successful, and in the following year he
was superseded by Maharaja Ajitsinhji of Marwar. The
new Viceroy deputed Kayat Fatehsinhji to Sorath, but
shortly afterwards an Imperial order was received con-
ferring the province on Haider Kuli Khan, who in his
turn appointed Roza Kuli to be his deputy at Junagadh,
the headquarters of the charge. The Viceroy, however,
marched into Saurashtra to collect revenue from certain
recalcitrant debtors. He first proceeded against Halwad
and compelled Jaswantsinhji Jhala to come to terms,
afterwards marching on Nawanagar. Jam Raisinhji
opposed him and some fighting ensued, the matter being
complicated for the Viceroy by the fact that the Jhala
chief came to the assistance of the Jam and continually
harassed the flanks and rear of the Imperial army. But
finally the Jam was compelled to pay a present of twenty-
five horses and a 'sum of three lakhs of rupees as tribute.
After visiting Dwarka the Viceroy returned to Ahmadabad,
and Saurashtra was left in peace for a short time.

It was about this time that the Jethwas in the South-
West of the peninsula began to regain something of their

122

THE JETHWAS AT PORBANDAR

old importance. Since the sixteenth century they had
been settled at Chhaya, which stands on a creek not far
from Porbandar. They had sunk to a very low ebb on
account of their being unable to resist the Jadejas, who
had despoiled them of most of their territories and had
continually oppressed them. Close by was situated Por-
bandar, a Mahomedan port of fair prosperity, towards
which the Ranas of Chhaya had long cast longing eyes.
It is mentioned in the Puranas as the ancient city of
Sudama Puri, where we are told that Krishna changed
the place from a small village into a city of gold on behalf
of his old companion Sudama. Whatever be its origin,
Sudama Puri was a holy and ancient place, which in course
of time became known as Puri. To this was afterwards
added the suffix '* bandar," signifying it was a harbour,
and the word Porbandar became thus formed.

It was during the reign of Rana Sultanji, between
A.D. 1671 and 1699, that a small Jethwa fort was unpre-
tentiously built in Porbandar, and in subsequent years
the happenings in more important parts of the Gujarat
dominions left the Moghal authorities little time for
determining every petty encroachment, or indeed for
noticing it. Accordingly the Ranas found nothing to
hinder them in establishing authority at Porbandar and
in towns around it, and in about a.d. 1718 Rana Khimoji
claimed Porbandar as his own, continuing, however, to
live in his strong fortress at Chhaya.

In A.D. 1722 the Marathas, under Kantaji Kadam
Bande and Pilaji Gaekwad, made their first foray into
Saurashtra. Unfortunately for themselves, they selected
the strong fort of Sihor for attack, and though they made
determined onslaughts, they were every time driven back,
and finally desisted. The Gohels suffered much loss, and
but for the bravery and determination of their chief,
Bhavsinhji, they would doubtless have succumbed to the
attacks of their hardy adversaries. It is Bhavsinhji who

123

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

raised the Gohels to a position of importance in Saurashtra.
Born in a.d. 1683, at the age of twenty he succeeded his
father, Ratanji, at Sihor, and from the first determined
that he would make himself a powerful chief in the confu-
sion consequent on the decline of the Moghal authority.
His defeat of the Marathas gave him his opportunity, for
he was so impressed by the dangerous position of Sihor
in the event of defeat that he determined to found a
capital at some place from which he could escape if
necessary. So he chose the village of Wadwa, and there
in A.D. 1723 he built the town of Bhavnagar. By having
a capital on the sea he not only made for himself a safe
means of retreat, but he was also able to make it a means
of wealth by attracting some of the trade before monopo-
lized by Gogha, Surat, and Cambay. Bhavnagar quickly
gained in importance, and Bhavsinhji was soon obliged
to spend a good deal of time trying to keep the place from
attracting notice until he should be sufficiently strong to
hold it in case of attack.

In A.D. 1718 Jam Raisinhji of Nawanagar had been
murdered by his brother Hardholji, who usurped the
dominions of the rightful heir, Jade j a Tamachi, the infant
son of Raisinhji. A slave-girl concealed the child in a
box and fled to Kachh, where she besought the boy's
aunt, Bai Ratnaji, to aid him to recover his lawful posses-
sions. The Bai took up her nephew's case and wrote to
her brother, Pratapsinhji Jhala of Halwad, asking him
to marry his daughter to the Viceroy of Gujarat, Sarbuland
Khan Umbariz-ul-Mulk, and the daughter of one of his
cousins to Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi, Commander of
the Moghal forces in Gujarat. Pratapsinhji fell in with
his sister's views in a.d. 1726, and the result of these
matrimonial alliances was that in a.d. 1727 Jam Hard-
holji was driven away from Nawanagar, and the rightful
ruler, 5j Jam Tamachi, was seated on the gadi. In
return for the assistance rendered, three villages, Charak-

124

imiimmmKmm^

JHALA RAISINHJI AT DHRANGADHRA

hadi, Trahuda, and Daiya, were given to Salabat Mahomed
Khan Babi, whose sons subsequently sold them to Jade j a
Kumbhoji of Gondal. Other villages were given to
Halwad, and the Mahals of Balambha and Amran were
mortgaged to Rao Desalji of Kachh, who subsequently,
in A.D. 1736, built the fort at the first-named place.

After the Viceroy had settled Jam Tamachi in enjoy-
ment of his property he marched to Chhaya to collect
tribute from Rana Khimoji. The chief, however, sought
to avoid payment by putting to sea, and he was also
apprehensive as to what might be done to him for having
bribed the Desais (Moghal revenue officials) of Mangrol
to surrender Madhavpur to him the previous year. Even-
tually, however, he was obliged to return and pay his
tribute, on hearing the Viceroy proposed to annex his
territory and to appoint an administering officer over it.
But nothing appears to have been said about Madhavpur,
which continued in his possession and still forms part of
the Porbandar State.

In A.D. 1730 Raisinhji Jhala succeeded his father,
Pratapsinhji, at Halwad, and in the same year built the
fort of Dhrangadhra, which, though used at first for part
of the year only, soon supplanted Halwad and became
the capital of Jhalawad. Raisinhji was quick to see the
danger of apportioning out land to younger sons and others,
and decided to put an end to such alienation of a con-
siderable amount of the dominions from the possessions
of the main branch of the family. In this he met with
much opposition from his younger sons, and soon found
that the eldest son, Gajsinhji, while professing to help
his father, was actually siding with his brothers against
him. This annoyed Raisinhji so much that he imme-
diately sent for the younger sons, who had gone into
outlawry against him, and gave each of them a substantial
portion of the State from which to draw revenue.

It is about this time that the Mahomedan Babi family

125

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■n

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

first began to assume importance in Saurashtra. Members
of it had already made names for themselves in Gujarat,
where they had acquired the reputation of being good
and fierce soldiers and capable administrators. The first
mention of the family occurs in a.d. 1664, when Sher
Khan Babi was sent with an army against the Koli rebels
of the Chunval district, near Viramgam. Sher Khan's
father, Bahadur Khan, an Afghan, rose to some distinc-
tion under the Emperor Shah Jehan, and members of the
family were afterwards marked out for favour and advance-
ment. Sher Khan had four sons, from the third of whom,
Jafar Khan (also known as Safdar Khan), sprung the
rulers of Radhanpur, Junagadh, and Wadasinor (Bala-
sinor). From the fourth son, Shahbaz Khan, descended
the family of the Ranpur house, now under Junagadh.

On the Marathas entering Gujarat in a.d. 1705, Jafar
Khan had been sent with the Moghal army operating
against them. But he had been captured, two of his
sons sharing the same fate, though afterwards cutting
their way back. Jafar Khan was eventually ransomed,
and was afterwards appointed Governor of Godhra. He
died in a.d. 1725, at a time when his son, Salabat Mahomed
Khan, was beginning to eclipse his father's fame. Salabat
Mahomed Khan attained much influence in Saurashtra
through his having been made the owner of the port of
Gogha by the Moghal Emperor, and his advice and help
were frequently sought in questions arising between the
chiefs of the province and the Viceroys when on tribute-
collecting expeditions. He was also Commander of the
Gujarat army, and we have already seen how by his
influence Jam Tamachi was reinstated at Nawanagar in
A.D. 1727, and how he had been given a lady of the Jhala
family in marriage.

In A.D. 1728, while holding an important command at
Viramgam, he was made Fouzdar of Sorath, at Junagadh.
But the Marathas were then becoming so troublesome

126

MARATHAS ENTER SAURASHTRA

that he preferred not to go to his new headquarters and
was allowed to send his son, Sher Khan, as deputy for
him. On Salabat Mahomed Khan's death in a.d. 1730
Sher Khan was remiGved from Junagadh, and retired for
a time to Gogha. At this juncture a certain Sohrab Khan
was Governor of Surat, and Bhavsinhji Gohel of Bhav-
nagar, seeing in him a means of advancing the interests
of Bhavnagar as against those of Gogha, made friends
with him. To such an extent did he make use of Sohrab
Khan's influence that he eventually succeeded in procuring
the removal of Gogha from the Babis, who were granted
in its place a jagir at Bantwa, not far from Junagadh.
Unfortunately for Bhavsinhji, Sohrab Khan himself
managed to obtain Gogha, but by his death a year or
two afterwards, in a.d. 1735, Bhavsinhji's ambition
became fulfilled, and Bhavnagar ceased to suffer from
Gogha's rivalry. Bhavsinhji now reached the zenith of
his power and reputation. He had succeeded in a few
years in changing the petty chieftancy of the Gohels into
one of much greater importance, and by his natural
caution and long-sighted policy had succeeded in making
himself the most influential chief in the peninsula. His
reputation had been greatly enhanced by his defeat of
the Marathas, who had succeeded, however, in imposing
a regular tribute on the whole of Gujarat. The chiefs of
Saurashtra shared in paying this levy, and the first entry
of a Maratha tribute-collecting army into the peninsula
took place under Damaji Gaekwad in a.d. 1735, to be
followed less than two years after by another similar
incursion.

In A.D. 1738 Momin Khan, then Viceroy in Gujarat,
restored to Sher Khan Babi his ancestral possession of
Gogha, and shortly afterwards made him deputy-Governor
of Sorath on behalf of Himat Ali Khan, nephew of Momin
Khan, who had been appointed to the Governorship by
the Emperor at Delhi. At Sher Khan's appointment a

127

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

tF:

certain amount of ill-feeling and jealousy arose against
him. But he had before shown his capacity in dealing
with the Marathas, and so was permitted to remain at
Junagadh, in spite of the vigorous attempts made to
supplant him. The choice, however, was fully justified,
for in very troublous times the affairs of Sorath were
managed with great skill and judgment, and Sher Khan
became even friendly with the Maratha spoilers. During
this time he had no opportunity for directing affairs at
Gogha, and Bhavsinhji was enabled to consolidate his
power and to encroach on Gogha territory without hin-
drance. In A.D. 1739 he entered into an agreement with
the Abyssinian Commander at Surat whereby he under-
took to pay the Abyssinian 1 J per cent, on the sea customs
revenue of Bhavnagar port, and also to remit certain port
and customs dues from Surat traders in return for protec-
tion by sea. Both parties to the agreement further
undertook to do their utmost to put down the piracy
which existed in an aggravated form all round the coast
of Saurashtra.

Momin Khan, Viceroy of Gujarat, made one of his
periodic incursions into Sorath in a.d. 1742 to collect
tribute. At Gogha, where he first went, he met with no
resistance, but Jam Tamachi of Nawanagar, as usual
with the Jade j as, refused to pay. For twenty days he
defied the Viceroy's army, but was then obliged to sur-
render, and agreed to pay half a lakh of rupees. Jam
Tamachi only survived a short time after Momin Khan's
departure, for in a.d. 1743 he was murdered by Karan-
sinhji Jhala of Wadhwan at the instigation of Jade j a
Halaji of Pardhari, who had helped Jam Tamachi to
regain Nawanagar sixteen years before. Halaji, who was
a noted assassin, had become displeased with Jam Tamachi
because he had been sent to his village, and had determined
to revenge what he imagined to be his overlord's ingrati-
tude.

128

wmmmmmmKmmmmKiiimm

MiiPiffi

SHER KHAN SEIZES JUNAGADH

Jam Tamachi had no son to succeed him, and on his
death his daughter dressed up his body and showed it
to the people from a lofty window in the palace at Nawa-
nagar. The principal relations, seeing their ruler, as
they thought, alive, started off in pursuit of Karansinhji
Jhala, whom they imagined had but attempted to murder
their chief. As soon as they were gone, Tamachi's
daughter advised each of his wives to adopt a son secretly
and to pretend they were legitimate heirs. The ruse was
successful, and two boys were introduced into the palace —
the elder, Lakhaji, being nominated his " father's "
successor.

In A.D. 1745 Sheshabhai Jhala, second son of Raisinhji
Jhala of Halwad and Dhrangadhra, conquered Sayla from
the Khawad Kathis. Seizing also other villages round,
he established himself at Sayla as a chief independent
of Halwad, and the present Sayla State was thus founded.

Meanwhile Sher Khan Babi had got himself seriously
compromised through taking part in the many internal
quarrels of Gujarat. He had left affairs in Junagadh to
be carried on for him by two of his wives, and these ladies
did nothing to forfeit the trust he placed in them. Conse-
quently, when in a.d. 1748 he found matters in Gujarat
had become extremely difficult for him, and that he was
in danger of defeat by two powerful enemies, he placed
his son, Sardar Mahomed, in charge of the family property
at Wadasinor (Balasinor) and himself retired to Junagadh.
Knowing the state of affairs in Gujarat and that no serious
attempt could be made by the Moghals to oust him, he
set himself up independently at Junagadh as Nawab,
and assumed the title of Bahadur Khan. But for several
years he was unable to do more than enforce his authority
in the immediate vicinity of Junagadh. In the same year
the Marathas under Kanoji Takpar, a Maratha general,
joined Fakhr-ud-dowlah, Viceroy of Gujarat, in an expe-
dition into Sorath to collect tribute. The Maratha forces

129 I

I^^M^

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

attacked and took Wanthali, but were obliged to return
to the Deccan after doing so, although being desirous
of effecting the capture of Junagadh also.

Among other places, the Marathas left a representa-
tive at Mangrol in the person of Jadav Jaswant. This
man, however, so oppressed the Musalmans of the place
that under Sheikh Mian, son of Kazi Fakhr-ud-din, they
rose against him. Sheikh Mian then took the govern-
ment into his own hands and levied taxes as an inde-
pendent chief. Nineteen years later, in a.d. 1767, Sheikh
Mian agreed to become a vassal of Junagadh, since which
time the State has been subordinate to its more powerful
neighbour. In a.d. 1749 Kutiana also was temporarily
lost to the Mahomedans. Rana Vikmatji of Chhaya
captured the place in that year and added it to the Jethwa
possessions. The same year Sher Khan Babi left Junagadh
to go to Gujarat in order to find out whether he could
realize even greater ambitions than that of becoming an
independent Nawab of Junagadh. But he came near to
losing what he had already obtained, for during his absence
a Purbia, by name Wasant Rai, obtained possession of
Junagadh. He was expelled, however, by Dewan Dal-
patram, who was acting for Sher Khan, but immediately
obtained assistance from a Khant named Mansia, when
the two attacked and seized the Uparkot. Using the
fort as their base, they succeeded in plundering the entire
surrounding country, and it was not for over a year that
they were finally forced out of their stronghold.

Scarcely had Wasant Rai and Mansia been ejected,
when the Arabs in Junagadh revolted on account of their
pay being in arrears, and seized the Uparkot in their
turn. Sher Khan was now sent word as to what was
happening at his capital, and he returned without delay
and laid siege to the fort. But he was unable to evict
his erstwhile attendants, and did not procure their sur-
render until he had handed over to them a large sum

130

MARATHAS IN GUJARAT

of money, obtained by selling Dhoraji to Jadeja Kumbhoji
of Gondal in a.d. 1754. For the remaining four years of
Sher Khan Babi's life peace existed in Junagadh. He
did not again leave his newly acquired possessions, and
he ceased to take an interest in the disturbing affairs
taking place in Gujarat during the time the Marathas
were making their supremacy there firmly established.

The Marathas in a.d. 1753 captured Ahmadabad, and
though Momin Khan remained in Gujarat as Viceroy for
the Moghal Emperor, his position was really only nominal.
The Marathas practically occupied the coiuitry, and the
Peshwa of Poona divided the tribute with the Gaekwad
of Baroda. Indeed at Ahmadabad coins ceased to be
struck in the name of the Emperor. The chiefs of
Saurashtra withheld tribute, and the Moghals were unable
to enforce any demands. Saurashtra soon ceased to
acknowledge any authority from Delhi, and the peninsula
became ovemm by Maratha armies, annually collecting
the chouth, or fourth part of the revenue, which they
declared to be their due.

Shortly after Sheshabhai Jhala had established himself
firmly at Sayla he succeeded in getting his elder brother,
Gajsinhji of Halwad, completely under his influence, and
finally made an attempt to usurp his dominions, and
become himself the head of the Jhalas. He obtained
possession of Dhrangadhra, and was not evicted until
much hard fighting had occmrred in efforts by Gajsinhji
to retake the town. On his quitting Dhrangadhra, Bai
Jijiba, wife of Gajsinhji, installed herself there and ruled
for her husband, he remaining at Halwad. Each paid
half of the tribute due to the Marathas, and this unusual
arrangement worked entirely satisfactorily.

On October 17, 1756, the nominal Viceroy for the
Emperor Alamgir II in Gujarat, Momin Khan, reassembled
an army and drove the Marathas out of Ahmadabad.
But this success was temporary only, for in less than two

131

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

years the city again fell to the INIarathas and Moghal
authority departed entirely from Gujarat. The Peshwa
now appointed a Viceroy of Gujarat in the person of
Sadashiv Ramchandra, who took over the government
of the province and caused new coins to be struck at the
mint in Ahmadabad. Scarcely had he set up the new
Government, however, when he went into Saurashtra to
collect money. Gogha now became the property of the
Peshwa, and Sadashiv Ramchandra, journeying from
Porbandar to Junagadh, desired to place a Maratha
Governor at the latter place, but for some reason or other
did not carry out his intention. The following year he
again entered the peninsula and marched against Dhran-
gadhra. Gajsinhji Jhala sent an army from Halwad to
aid his wife, and while Halwad was thus denuded of
troops a JNIaratha force surprised the town and Gajsinhji
was taken prisoner, after a desperate struggle round the
palace. He was held captive until payment of a sum of
rather over one lakh of rupees purchased his release, which
did not take place before several months had elapsed.
Other chiefs, taking to heart the lesson so rudely brought
home to Gajsinhji, paid their tribute without demur, and
after again visiting Junagadh, the Marathas returned to
Ahmadabad.

On the death of Sher Khan of Junagadh in a.d. 1758
he was succeeded by his son, Mahabat Khan, who was
at first quite unable to cope with the anarchy and intrigue
which surrounded him on every side. Scarcely had the
new Nawab been proclaimed when his aunt, Bibi Saheba
Sultan, sister of the late Nawab Sher Khan, seized him
with the help of some Arabs, confined him in the Uparkot,
and proclaimed her grandson, Muzafar Khan, to be
Nawab. Hearing of the confusion at Junagadh, another
member of the Babi family, Jawan Mard Khan of Sami-
Munjpur, in Gujarat, considered the opportunity to be
a good one for uniting the property of the two branches

132

[

\ \

t
t
a

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f
C

EVENTS AT JUNAGADH

of the family under himself. Consequently he went to
Junagadh and occupied the town. Returning to Sami-
Munjpur, he left his son to besiege the Uparkot as his
deputy. The Uparkot, however, held out, and the
usurpers were obliged to raise the siege and march some
distance away to watch events. Meanwhile, close by,
at Gondal, Jadeja Kumbhoji was establishing himself,
and he, fearing a strong man in the person of Jawan
Mard Khan as a neighbour, made peaceful overtures with
such good effect that the usurper agreed to return to
Gujarat and to leave Junagadh alone. Through his
influence Mahabat Khan was released, and Bibi Saheba
Sultan removed from Junagadh. Muzafar Khan and his
brother, Fatehyab Khan, were granted the estate of
Ranpur, on condition that they renounced all claims to
the chiefship, and for this successful attempt at arbitra-
tion Kumbhoji managed to procure Upleta from Junagadh
at a low price. But it was some time before the disorder
at Junagadh disappeared. Almost as soon as the young
Nawab was released, the want of money caused further
trouble. The Arab troops, who were much in arrears
in spite of having been enriched several times by the
spoil obtained from plundering expeditions into the
neighbouring country, rebelled and seized the Uparkot,
from which they were expelled after some time by the
famous Dewan Amarji, then a youth of eighteen, who had
come from Mangrol seeking service at Junagadh, and
was permitted to try conclusions with the Arabs by way
of proving his mettle.

Under the Marathas Saurashtra became known as
Kathiawad, and this has since been the official designa-
tion of the province. Formerly the term was applied
to a tract near the centre of the peninsula occupied by
the Kathis, who resisted the Marathas so stoutly when
engaged on tribute-collecting expeditions, that they con-
sidered them the most important enemies to be reckoned

133

I.' !■

IS ■!

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

with, and extended the name of their part of the penin-
sula to the whole. The dominion of the Marathas over
Kathiawad never took the form of an occupation of the
country, and to this day there are probably fewer Marathas
to be found in it than any other of the peoples constituting
its population. They did not even leave representatives
or deputies of any importance to safeguard their interests,
but were content to fix a certain tribute as being due
from the province, and to send annually an army to
collect it. As this army was nearly always resisted in
some way, and as the devastations it caused can be
better imagined than described, it may be easily under-
stood that Saurashtra did not enjoy either peace or
happiness under Maratha domination.

f ;

134

CHAPTER XI

(a.d. 1760-1784)

In the latter half of the eighteenth century three remark-
able men arose in Saurashtra, and its history during
those years is almost entirely bound up with their lives.
They guided the destinies of the principal States in the
peninsula, and as a result of their accomplishments and
statesmanship the country became constituted practically
as we find it to-day. For many years Saurashtra had
failed to produce any man capable of taking any substan-
tial place in its history — though in making this assertion
we must except Bhavsinhji Gohel, who founded Bhav-
nagar. No man had arisen capable of uniting the warring
elements of the peninsula, and of making a serious and
connected stand against the incursions of the Marathas
on the downfall of Moghal authority in Gujarat. Going
back further, we see that no man had arisen to confront
Sultan Mahomed Begarah, and the Portugese alone at
Diu had been able to withstand the attacks of Islam. And
so in the same way we see all along its history that Sau-
rashtra has been imable to produce a great man at a
critical time. Warriors and fighting men there have been
in plenty, of which we have already had ample evidence
in foregoing pages. But it was not until the middle part
of the eighteenth centiiry that any man came into notice
who combined the powers of fighting with those of organi-
zation and statecraft. And then three such men arose.
Perhaps the most important of these three was Amarji,
Dewan of Junagadh. Born in about a.d. 1742, the son

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

of Kunvarji, a Nagar Brahman, his boyhood was passed
in Mangrol, and at about the age of eighteen he left his
native town and went to Junagadh in an endeavour to
get service under the new Nawab, Mahabat Khan. When
he arrived at Junagadh he found the place in a state of
siege. The Arabs, of which the army was largely com-
posed, had rebelled, and were defying all attempts to
drive them from the Uparkot or to pacify them. At
this juncture Amarji asked to be allowed to have some
appointment, and the Nawab told him that if he could
obtain possession of the Wageswari gate of the fort, then
held by the Arabs, he would establish for himself a claim
to enter his service. Taking him at his word, Amarji
went to Porbandar, from which place he obtained the
services of an Arab Jamadar named Salmin, who imder-
took to produce a number of Arab soldiers to recapture
the Uparkot for the Nawab. When they reached Juna-
gadh, the Nawab, however, refused them entrance to the
town, fearing they would join hands with the rebels in
the Uparkot. But he gave leave to attack from outside
the walls at the Wageswari gate, which they did with
such effect that the gate and the Uparkot fell into Amarji*s
hands, and he handed over the place to the Nawab,
together with the captured Arabs, who had agreed to
surrender without further bloodshed on a promise by
Amarji of settlement to the extent of half the amount of
their previous demands. Amarji obtained much credit
for this success, and was immediately given a high place
in the Nawab's service, Jamadar Salmin also being given
an appointment. In this way Amarji began his remark-
ably successful career, which was passed altogether in
the service of Nawabs Mahabat Khan and Hamed Khan
of Junagadh.

Meraman Khawas, the second of the three men referred
to, was at first in the service of Halwad, and accompanied
Bai Jawuba from that place to Nawanagar on her marriage

136

THREE IMPORTANT MEN

with Jam Lakhaji. He was a man of great strength of
character, who brooked interference from none once he
had established an ascendancy over the weak-minded
Jam. Eventually Bai Jawuba felt unable any longer to
bear her humiliating position, and in a.d. 1756 she orga-
nized a movement to overthrow Meraman. Nanji Khawas,
Meraman's brother, was killed as a result, but Meraman
collected such followers as he could find, stormed the
palace, slew or captured the guards, and took Bai Jawuba
prisoner. He placed her under a guard and in a secure
retreat, and assumed complete charge of the administra-
tion of Nawanagar with very little opposition. Jam
Lakhaji became a puppet in his hands, and on his death
in A.D. 1768 he was succeeded by the elder of his two
infant sons. Jam Jasaji. Being entirely unscrupulous,
Meraman Khawas, imtil his death in a.d. 1800, kept the
young Jam in close confinement and nipped in the bud
any attempt made to place him in charge of the affairs of
the State.

The third of the great men of Kathiawad during the
second half of the eighteenth century was Wakhatsinhji
Gohel of Bhavnagar, who in a.d. 1772 succeeded his father,
Akherajji, at the age of twenty-four. From the day he
ascended the gadi his time was largely spent, imtil his
death in a.d. 1816, in fighting the Kathis and in estab-
lishing good relations with the British Government, who
were now beginning to make good their footing in Western
India. The proximity of Bhavnagar and Gogha to Surat
and other ports which came under the British was a great
factor in determining his policy, and Akherajji, his father,
had had several dealings with the British which Wakhat-
sinhji was wise enough to understand greatly benefited
his State, In a.d. 1771, for instance, the British, when
concluding a treaty with the Nawab of Cambay, bound
him never on any pretence to molest Bhavnagar port, or
any of the possessions of Akherajji Gohel. In the same

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

? 1 ^ ; .

151

year the British invited the help of Akherajji in subduing
the pirates who had long been a scourge and a danger to
Bhavnagar trade, and had lately attacked British shipping.
Akherajji agreed, and a combined attack was made on
Talaja, which the pirate Kolis had turned into a strong-
hold. The fort was stormed and taken, and by way of
reward the British offered Talaja to Akherajji, who,
however, refused the gift as he was unwilling to extend
his territories West of the Shatrunji River. Talaja was
then given to the Nawab of Cambay. That the British
thought highly of Akherajji is further shown by the fact
that they asked him to receive and protect Raghunath
Rao in a.d. 1771 on his flight from Poona, and whose
cause they were then espousing. This act of courtesy
and hospitality Akherajji performed, and afterwards sent
the Maratha on board one of his own ships to Bombay.
He only ruled for eight years, however, and it was for
Wakhatsinhji to reap the benefit of his father's foresight
and to model his own policy on similar lines. With
Wakhatsinhji may be said to have begun those excellent
terms of cordiality and friendship which have always
subsisted between the British Government and the chiefs
of Kathiawad, and which have become too deep-rooted
to change.

Let us now follow the career of Amarji, Dewan of
Junagadh. As soon as he had performed the task which
first gained him a footing with the Nawab, he was sent off
to capture Verawal, which had been captured by Sheikh
Mian of Mangrol from Bibi Saheba Sultan, who had
possessed herself of the place on being driven out of Juna-
gadh some years before. Amarji at this time had been
appointed to superintend the military administration in
the State, the kind of work which he soon proved himself
perfectly capable of undertaking. The army marched to
Verawal and encamped at the village of Adri, some four
miles from the town. Here the Nawab remained with a

138

MANGROL INVESTED BY AMARJI

body of troops in reserve, while Amarji with the remainder
advanced to the walls of Verawal, on arrival at which
they surprised the garrison and put many to the sword.
Meanwhile a party of Sindhis had been sent by sea with
the object of gaining, if possible, a footing on the seaward
side. This detachment, too, entered the town and joined
hands with Amarji's force, at which the defenders lost
heart and fled. On the next day the Nawab himself
brought the remainder of the forces from Adri to Verawal.
But Sheikh Mian was not yet conquered, and a year or so
later began again making his presence felt in the Southern
parts of the Junagadh territory. Amarji again marched
against him, and having captured the forts of Shil Bagasra,
Dewasa and Mahiari, invested Mangrol. A furious attack
was withstood for some time, and indeed repulsed with
vigour, Amarji's horse receiving no less than eleven
wounds. But the defenders were finally obliged to submit,
and Sheikh Mian sent Amarji's own paternal uncle to
obtain the best terms he could. Peace was finally made
on the Sheikh agreeing to give the Nawab a half-share in
his territories.

Shortly after this affair, in a.d. 1770, Sher Zaman
Khan of Bantwa, uncle of the Nawab of Junagadh, attacked
Junagadh by night in the hope of effecting a surprise and
supplanting his nephew as ruler of the State. He advanced
against the Majewadi gate of the town, but met with such
a hot reception that, perceiving the attack was in no
way a surprise, he turned and fled to Bantwa. Amarji
had got notice of the intended surprise, and had laid his
trap so well that it was not until the fight had been begun
that the attacking force recognized their plans had mis-
carried. Shortly afterwards a Kathi of Jetpur, Kumpa
Wala, invited Amarji's assistance in destroying Dalkhania
in the Gir Forest, a place which had long been a retreat
of outlaws and highway robbers. The combined forces
of Kumpa Wala and Junagadh attacked the stronghold,

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

and Amarji, after the place had been stormed, vigorously
pursued the outlaws and killed great numbers of them.
At that time the Gir Forest was filled with such people,
who attacked and looted travellers on every possible
occasion. Their defeat had a salutary effect, and the
Gir became no longer so dangerous as it had formerly
been.

It happened that some years before, in a.d. 1759,
Hashim Khan, a son of Nawab Sher Khan of Junagadh,
had captured Kutiana from Rana Sultan ji of Chhaya,
and had there established himself. Before long he began
to oppress the inhabitants, however, and the Rana
becoming very strong, it was anticipated that he would
make an effort to regain Kutiana, in which case it was
feared Hashim Khan would not put up a very stout defence
and might even sell the town. Amarji, therefore, con-
sidered it quite advisable to make quite sure that such a
valuable frontier post should not be lost to Junagadh,
and called upon Hashim Khan to surrender it to him
so that adequate measures for its protection might be
imdertaken. Hashim Khan refused, and defied Amarji to
oust him. The Dewan thereupon, in a.d. 1770, advanced
against him, and after blowing up by a mine one of the
principal bastions, effected an entry into the town. Hashim
Khan now surrendered, and was given a jagir in a
less dangerous part of the Junagadh State, while Amarji's
younger brother, Govindji, was installed as Governor of
Kutiana.

Towards the end of the year a.d. 1771 Akherajji Gohel
of Bhavnagar, shortly before his death, was invited by
the British to co-operate with them in an attack on the
pirate stronghold at Talaja. The military exploits of
Amarji were now becoming well known in the peninsula,
and Akherajji invited him to take part in the attack also.
An army was thereupon taken from Junagadh and Talaja
attacked by the combined forces. In the fight which

140

THE MIANAS DEFEATED

ensued Amarji was wounded in the leg by a musket-ball.
But the port was taken and handed over to the Nawab
Nur-ud-din of Cambay, who subsequently, being unable
to pay it adequate attention, sold it for eighty thousand
rupees to Akherajji's successor, Wakhatsinhji. After the
capture of the fort Amarji returned to Junagadh, where
he was made the recipient of many gifts by the Nawab
Mahabat Khan in appreciation of his prowess.

Amarji now began to make his power felt f mother afield,
and in a.d. 1771 marched Northwards and attacked the
troublesome Mianas of Malia. These people had been
introduced some years before by Jade j a Morji of Malia,
son of Jadeja Kayaji of Morvi, and were a Musalman
tribe originally from Sind. They were notorious thieves
and altogether a very dangerous community, but brave
and hardy to a degree. The reason of Morji's entertain-
ment of such people has never been really discovered, but
it is conjectured he introduced them into his service as
fighting men to help him to realize some ambitious scheme.
Gradually, however, they increased in numbers and power,
and became, and have long been, a disturbing element in
the North of the peninsula. Amarji's expedition against
them proved entirely successful, and after beating them
he heavily fined them. He next marched against the
Rabaris of Babriawad and compelled them to pay a
yearly fine and to restore much property they had plundered
from travellers and others.

As in the case of nearly all successful men, Amarji
made enemies. Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal feared that
his continued run of victories would end in an attack on
Dhoraji and Upleta, with the object of regaining them for
Junagadh. The Nawab, also, began to fear his powerful
Minister, and to believe that the Dewan would endeavour
to supplant him when he considered himself sufficiently
strong to do so. While he was in this frame of mind,
Kumbhoji approached him and pointed out the danger

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

of allowing a Dewan to obtain such power, and the two
agreed that Amarji must be killed or imprisoned. Amarji
with his two brothers, DuUabhji and Govindji, were
thereupon seized and throvni into prison, while Jamadar
Salmin, who had been Amarji's firm friend since the day
when they attacked together the Arabs in the Uparkot
and so laid the foundation of their success, was murdered.
For five months the Dewan was kept in confinement, and
was eventually set free only on promising to pay a heavy
fine, for which his son Raghunathji was retained as a
hostage. On regaining his liberty Amarji went to Jetpur,
where he lived for some time in retirement.

But before many months had elapsed, Nawab Mahabat
Khan found he was unable to do without his capable
Minister. In a.d. 1774 Sheikh Mian of Mangrol again
began ravaging the country, and the Nawab himself
determined to take an army against his unruly neighbour.
But he was unable to effect his subjugation, and instead
began to suffer heavy losses while encamped about four-
teen miles from Mangrol. He therefore decided to recall
Amarji from Jetpur, and sent messages asking him to
resume the Dewanship. About the same time an envoy
from the Rao of Kachh arrived in Jetpur, who offered
Amarji the Dewanship of Kachh. But he accepted service
under his former master, and joined him before Mangrol.
Sheikh Mian now submitted, agreed to restore the property
he had plundered and to pay a fine, and finally to become
a vassal of Junagadh. Amarji now marched against the
Zamindar of Sutrapada, and compelled him to surrender
the fort and town, which became from that time a
Junagadh possession.

Scarcely had Sutrapada been reduced, when Meraman
Khawas, Dewan of Nawanagar, invited Amarji to co-
operate with him in an attack on Positra, the headquarters
of the pirates of Okhamandal (Dwarka). The depreda-
tions committed on the seas by these robbers had always

142

AMARJI CONQUERS POSITRA

been a serious menace to trade, and in spite of many
isolated attempts to put down the piracy, it continued
unabated. Amarji, therefore, considered the object of
attack to be a good one, and, marching Westward, he
effected a junction of his forces with those of Nawanagar.
The allies now advanced on Positra, and carried the
place by mine and assault. The pirates were completely
defeated, and an enormous quantity of booty fell into
the hands of the conquerors. Before the armies left the
scene of operations, news arrived to the effect that
Nawab Mahabat Khan of Junagadh had died in April
of that year (a.d. 1775), and Amarji at once collected
his forces and treasure and marched to Junagadh, where
he seated Hamed Khan, a boy of eight years of
age, on his father's gadi. Having completed this
duty, he departed into Jhalawad on a tribute-collecting
expedition.

While Amarji was still away from Junagadh, Adil
Khan Babi and Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa induced
the young Nawab's mother to take part in a rebellion.
They then captured, with scarcely any opposition, the
fort of Wanthali, and begged Mahipatrao, the Maratha
Governor of Gujarat, who happened at the time to be in
Kathiawad collecting tribute, to come to their assistance.
On being informed of these happenings, Amarji returned
with all speed from his expedition and proceeded to march
against the Marathas with all speed. Mahipatrao, being
anxious to avoid the chance of defeat, desisted from
taking part any longer in the quarrel and made overtures
for peace. Amarji allowed them to depart immolested,
but not until they had handed him over such money as
they had already collected, and had entrusted him with
the collection of the remainder. When this powerful
factor had departed, Amarji proceeded to invest Wanthali,
which fell before his attack in a very short time. On
account of his close relationship with the Nawab's family,

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Mukhtiar Khan's life was spared, and he was permitted to
retire in disgrace to Bantwa.

Towards the end of a.d. 1776 the Marathas again
entered Kathiawad under Amrat Rao and Thoban,
representatives of the Peshwa of Poona and the Gaekwad
of Baroda respectively. Amarji was at the time in the
Panchal district, but heard of their arrival and desire to
fight, and hastened back towards Junagadh. The two
armies met at Jetpur, where the Marathas advanced to
the attack in great numbers. Amarji resisted vigorously,
and in the drawn battle which ensued received himself a
wound on the shoulder from a sword, which was only
prevented from being fatal by the armour he was wearing
concealed at the time. On the following day, neither
side having gained any appreciable advantage, peace was
brought about by the instrumentality of Jade j a Kumbhoji
of Gondal, and Kanthad Wala, a Kathi chief of Jetpur,
and after a mutual exchange of presents and compliments
the Marathas returned to Ahmadabad.

Jade j a Waghji of Morvi now requested Amarji to
attack the fort of Palanswa and the village of Kerianagar,
in the Wagad territory of Kachh. The Dewan agreed,
and, crossing the Rann, subdued the two places. He
then returned to Saurashtra, after having received many
valuable presents as a peace-offering from the Rao of
Kachh.

Late in a.d. 1777 Jiwaji Shamraj entered the penin-
sula with an army to collect money on behalf of the
Gaekwad of Baroda. He reached Amreli, and there
proceeded to establish himself independently, and to attack
all the adjacent territory. He had all but succeeded in
making his position secure when Amarji marched against
him, considering that a powerful and ambitious neighbour
would be dangerous to the interests of Junagadh. The
Dewan drove in all the outlying Maratha forces, and
Jiwaji Shamraj was compelled to shut himself up in

144

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BETHALI FORT BESIEGED

Amreli, in which town he was besieged. He did not hold
out for long, however, and soon surrendered, when he
was obliged to leave the province and Amreli fort was
destroyed. At the close of the following year, however,
Fatehsinha Rao Gaekwad of Baroda himself entered
Kathiawad, being anxious to restore Maratha prestige
after the disaster sustained by Jiwaji Shamraj. He
advanced as far as Jetpur and there encamped. But
hearing on all sides of the skill and prowess in war of
Amarji, he considered it would be better for the present
to put off his belligerent attitude, and to attack at some
future and more favourable opportunity. He therefore
sent presents to the Dewan instead of a challenge, and
remitted the amount of tribute remaining due at the
time. The next year he entered Kathiawad with the
same intention, but was again obliged to put off his design
as he found he was quite unable to try conclusions with
Amarji with reasonable chances of success.

In the meanwhile, Rana Sultan ji of Chhaya had built
in A.D. 1778 the fort of Bethali, near the Nawanagar
border, which was regarded by Meraman Khawas, Dewan
of Nawanagar, as an act of enmity. He thereupon
advanced on Bethali, and Rana Sultanji asked aid from
Dewan Amarji in repelling him. Amarji came to his
assistance, but not until the defenders had beaten off a
determined assault made by the Nawanagar army. On
the approach of the Junagadh forces Meraman raised
the siege, and a treaty of peace was drawn up and con-
cluded, by which the Nawanagar army desisted from
attacking the Rana any further, and the fort was
demolished.

Shortly afterwards Rana Sultanji collected a large
force of Arabs, who began creating disturbances in the
Barda Hills, and so troublesome to the countryside did
these men become that Amarji called on the Rana to
cause a stop to be put to their depredations. By way of

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

supporting his request, he marched in person against the
Rana, who submitted with a bad grace, but with the gift
of many valuable presents, to the terms imposed upon
him. Amarji now expelled some troublesome Sindhis
from the forts of Devra and Khageshri, after which he
advanced against Una and Delwada, where one Sheikh
Tahir had been for some time giving trouble. These
two places being subdued, a Nagar Brahman, by name
Prabhashankar, was left to look after them, and Amarji
returned to Junagadh.

The Dewan's enemies now began to make more deter-
mined efforts to secure his overthrow and disgrace, and,
if possible, his death. He was feared on every side, and
no neighbouring chief knew when it might not be his own
turn to have to submit to the all-powerful influence in
Junagadh. Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal still feared for
his continued possession of Dhoraji and Upleta, and
Nawab Hamed Khan was made suspicious of his Dewan's
power, as his father had been before him. Meraman
Klhawas cherished a thought of revenge for Amarji's
action at Bethali, and Rana Sultanji was ready to join
in any conspiracy against the man who had caused his
humiliation in the Barda Hills episode. Jadeja Kumbhoji
considered the time had come for a concerted effort to
be made to secure the removal of Amarji, and in a.d. 1782
the armies of the principal conspirators advanced on
Kutiana, where they began pillaging the surrounding
Junagadh territory. Amarji hastened against them and
advanced on Jetpur, where he came up with the Nawanagar
contingent. Meraman Khawas retreated across the River
Bhadar to Panchpipla, where he entrenched himself, but
Amarji pursuing him drove him back still further, and
gained a victory of some importance. As it chanced,
Manaji Gaekwad, brother of Fatehsinha Rao Gaekwad
of Baroda, was then in the neighbourhood, and Meraman
Khawas called upon him for assistance. In view of the

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THE DEATH OF AMARJI

largely augmented force now to be brought against him,
Amarji retreated on Junagadh, while the allied forces
besieged and stormed the fort of Devra, which fell after
an investment lasting seven days. Manaji Gaekwad now
refused to take further part in the proceedings, and
returned with his army to Baroda, while Meraman Khawas,
Rana Sultan ji, and Jadeja Kumbhoji retired to their
respective capitals.

Amarji now decided to take the offensive and crush
his enemies in detail. He therefore made a rapid descent
on Rana Sultanji and laid waste his territory. Meraman
Khawas, fearing similar reprisals, now made peace, and
after paying a large fine sent an army to co-operate
against the Rana, who was obliged to submit, to pay an
enhanced tribute, and to repair the fort of Devra, which
had been much damaged during the recent attack upon
it. The Dewan now took an army into Jhalawad to collect
tribute, intending to attack Gondal on the return journey.
But he was too late. Nawab Hamed Khan suddenly
left the army on a plea of sickness to return to Jtmagadh,
and on the way passed through Gondal, where Kumbhoji
induced him to be his guest for the night. During the
short time at his disposal, he managed to persuade the
Nawab that Amarji' s very existence was a menace to him,
and that he aimed shortly at turning him out of Junagadh
and founding his own rule. Before he left Gondal, Hamed
Khan agreed to bring about the assassination of his
Minister, receiving in return from Kumbhoji a sum of
three lakhs of Nawanagar " Koris," when the deed were
accomplished. Four conspirators named Manohardas
Trikamdas, Mehta Khan, Jubah Khan, and Jiwan Khan
agreed, on obtaining promises of great rewards, to murder
the Dewan, and on his return from Jhalawad to celebrate
the Holi festival he was entrapped in the palace and
miu-dered on March 6, 1784. Simultaneously his brother
Dullabhji and his son Ranchhodji were imprisoned.

147

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

The death of Amarji was a great blot on the Junagadh
State. Through his genius and energy it had risen to
premier importance in Kathiawad ; and his wise and
careful administration, coupled with the knowledge of
his power, made him feared and respected even by the
Marathas. Amarji had faithfully served the Nawabs,
and it is doubtful whether he ever seriously considered an
idea of usurping the State and supplanting them. Had
he done so, he had numerous opportimities of effecting
such an ambition of which a man of his nature would
scarcely have failed to take advantage. There can be
no doubt that his aim was to secure for the Nawab of
Junagadh the complete subjugation of the peninsula.
But he failed in this since he was unable to preserve the
peace between the many diverse peoples composing its
population.

A story typical of the man is told of how he first gained
the enmity of Jadeja Kumbhoji, and thereby laid the
foundation of his own assassination. Shortly after Kumb-
hoji had built a strong fort at Dhoraji he showed it one
day with pride to the Dewan, expecting that a man of his
prowess would appreciate in high terms of praise the fine
military work the fort presented. Amarji listened for
some time in silence while all the strong points were
described to him in detail, and finally when asked for his
opinion he said : "It looks well enough, but it is as
nothing before even the shoes of the Nawab of Junagadh " !
Kumbhoji, really mortified and insulted, never forgave
him for this reply, and from that day became the Dewan's
most powerful and most active enemy.

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CHAPTER XII

(a.d. 1756-1807)

Very soon after the minor Jam Jasaji had succeeded his
father in Nawanagar, Meraman Khawas was offered a
good opportunity of showing the position he intended
to assume, and he did not hesitate to take it. Rao Godji
of Kachh considered that now was his time to benefit in
some way, either in money or land, at the expense of
Nawanagar, and wrote threatening letters to Meraman,
declaring his intention of invading Nawanagar, and
demanding compensation if he should not do so. The
Dewan at once marched against the Rao's fort at Balambha,
and attacked and captured it before the Rao was able
to cross the Rann of Kachh to come to its assistance.
When he did succeed in crossing he was not allowed to
remain long in the peninsula, but was obliged to retire,
not only without having effected anything but instead
having lost Balambha, and consequently his footing in
Saurashtra. Meraman now began to consolidate his
power in Nawanagar, and proceeded to attack Jadeja
Halaji of Pardhari, who had seized Modpur after having
brought about the assassination of Jam Tamachi in
A.D. 1743 and had since been in open rebellion. Modpur
was now invested, and surrendered on Halaji being killed
by a musket-shot in the neck. Bai Jawuba, who had
in A.D. 1756 endeavoured unsuccessfully to bring about
Meraman's ruin, now left Nawanagar on the excuse of
proceeding on a pilgrimage. Hastening to Dhrangadhra,
she plotted there in secret for the removal of Meraman

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

from Nawanagar. The Khawas, however, became cog-
nizant of her designs, and induced her to return to
Nawanagar, little thinking that the whole of her schemes
were known. On the same day on which she returned
to Nawanagar she was murdered by Chand Ghori, a
servant of Meraman, and by her death the principal
influence against which Meraman had had to contend was
removed.

We have already seen in the foregoing chapter how in
A.D. 1774 Meraman invited Dewan Amarji of Junagadh
to co-operate with him in an attack on Positra, and of
the successful result of the expedition ; and also of the
Bethali affair in a.d. 1778, when Meraman quarrelled
with Rana Sultanji over the building of the fort near the
Nawanagar border. On this latter occasion, as soon as
the terms of peace had been drawn up and signed, Meraman
invited Amarji to an entertainment at Khambhalia with
the intention of poisoning him. But Amarji learnt of
his danger and excused himself from attending. In
A.D. 1783 Meraman joined the conspiracy against Amarji,
and was beaten by him at Panchpipla, near Jetpur, after
which he sought and obtained peace, and the combined
armies of Nawanagar and Junagadh ravaged the lands
of the Jethwas. These terms of friendship with Junagadh
were maintained until Amarji was murdered in a.d. 1784,
when Meraman gave succour to members of the Dewan's
family who fled to escape persecution in Junagadh.
Meraman now saw he must make Nawanagar more secure
from attack, and in a.d. 1788 he strengthened it by
building a fort of white stone, which contained five gates,
twenty-three towers, and eight posterns.

Four years later, in a.d. 1792, Meraman felt his power
to be sufficiently consolidated for him to undertake an
expedition on a large scale, and marched with an army
against the Kathis. Without much difficulty he suc-
ceeded in capturing most of their principal towns, and

150

KATHI FORCES SURPRISED

Santhali, Babra, Kotda Pitha, Kariana, Anandpur, Bar-
wala, and Jasdan fell before his onslaught. Wajsur
Khachar of Jasdan now offered to exchange Atkot, and
on these terms Jasdan was restored to him. But Dada
Khachar of Atkot, a relation of Wajsur Khachar, very
naturally objected to these proceedings, and showed his
feelings in a practical manner by going into outlawry
against Nawanagar. Meraman considered that it would
be dangerous to leave the country with such a man abroad,
fearing he would engineer a rebellion in the lately con-
quered districts. He thereupon made terms with the
Kathi, whereby Atkot was to be handed back to him
provided he proceeded with an army against Morvi and
were successful in operations against the Jadeja chief
of that place. Dada Khachar agreed on condition that he
were given sole command of some Nawanagar troops for
the purpose, and with a small force which was placed
under him he three times ravaged Morvi territory.

While returning from the last raid he was overtaken
and surprised by the Morvi forces near Chotila, and his
small army was greatly outnumbered. He decided to die
fighting, and called for volunteers to stay with him,
giving permission to the remainder to save their lives by
flight. About thirty Kathis stood by him, and this little
band made a desperate charge against the whole Morvi
army. Dada Khachar obtained his desire, for he and
all his faithful followers were slain after making a noble
struggle to break through the ranks of their enemies*

The Jadeja chiefs of Halawad (Halar) now considered
that Meraman was becoming too powerful, and that Jam
Jasaji should remain no longer in the humiliating position
he occupied at Nawanagar, completely under the influence
of the Khawas, although being nearly thirty years of age.
Accordingly in a.d. 1794 Jadejas Meramanji of Rajkot,
Daji of Gondal, Ranmalji of Khirasara, and Modji of
Dhrol marched into Nawanagar territory and laid waste

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

the country. Meraman Khawas marched against them,
supported by Raghunathji, eldest son of the late Dewan
Amarji of Junagadh, who came from Chorwad, where he
was in retirement, on receiving a call for help from
Meraman. Jaswantsinhji Jhala of Dhrangadhra (which
place was now the undisputed capital of the Jhalas)
brought an army also to the help of Meraman, and in the
very short time of one week the Sardhar district of Rajkot
had become a waste. It happened that Wakhatsinhji
Gohel of Bhavnagar was just then at Jasdan, where he
had been chastising the Kathis, and was contemplating
an attack on the Kathi stronghold of Jetpur ; while
marching against him was Nawab Hamed Khan of Juna-
gadh with an army to help the Kathis. Much fighting
was imminent between the two, when Meraman Khawas,
fearing for his recently conquered Kathi districts, came
forward with an offer to mediate between the two, and
spent twenty days inducing the would-be combatants to
return to their respective capitals. Scarcely had this
danger been removed, however, when Nawanagar was
threatened by an attack from Kachh, where the Jadeja
confederacy had applied for aid. Fateh Mahomed, Dewan
of Rao Rayadhanji of Kachh, crossed the Rann at the
head of a large army, with which he hoped to avenge the
injuries suffered at the hands of Nawanagar in the past.
The memory of the loss of Balambha was still fresh, and
besides great riches were expected from the plunder of
Halar.

Meraman detached his brother, Bhawan Khawas, to
meet the new danger, and a portion of the Nawanagar
army marched Northwards under him to resist the landing.
Bhawan Khawas encamped at Khakhrabela village, await-
ing an opportunity to attack. But he was disappointed,
for Fateh Mahomed skilfully marched round his flank and
encamped on the plain of Pardhari. Here a fight took
place on ground advantageous to the invaders, who had

153

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THE BATTLE OF PARDHARI

meanwhile been joined by the detachments of the allied
Jadejas. The Kachh army consisted of nearly thirty- j&ve
thousand men, and on seeing the forces arranged against
him Bhawan Khawas ordered a retreat of the Nawanagar
forces to Jhilaria, eight miles to the Westward, at the
same time asking Jaswantsinhji Jhala to mediate with
the enemy with the object of inducing Fateh Mahomed
to return to Kachh. The retreat of the Nawanagar forces
was fast resembling a rout when Raghunathji (son of
Dewan Amarji) pointed out to Bhawan Khawas the
danger he was running, and before a mile of the journey
had been completed the retirement was stayed.

The Nawanagar army now formed up in line of battle,
Raghunathji commanding the right and Bhawan Khawas
the left and centre. The fight commenced with an attack
on the right by a large force of Kachh infantry, who were,
however, beaten back. Fateh Mahomed now ordered
an attack with the whole remaining force on the Nawanagar
left, with such success that the whole army of Bhawan
Khawas was crumpled up and destroyed. The Khawas
fled to Jalia and the Gondal contingent plundered his
camp, while Fateh Mahomed moved to the attack of
Jaswantsinhji Jhala, whose forces had so far not been
engaged. But the Dhrangadhra troops withstood the
onslaught and succeeded in extricating themselves credit-
ably. The Kachh army now plundered the country as
far as Khambhalia, but avoided Nawanagar, where
Meraman Khawas was securely entrenched. In spite of
this victory, however, the plans of the allies had so far
miscarried that Jam Jasaji still remained entirely subor-
dinate to Meraman Khawas, and he besought the Jadejas
and the Rao of Kachh to make one more effort to release
him. Meraman heard of this, and by way of deterring
any from plotting against him in future, cut off the nose
and ears of all who were discovered to have taken any
part, however small, in making the fresh overtures.

153

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

The allies were on the point of making further con-
certed efforts to release the Jam, when in a.d. 1794 a
Maratha army of the Peshwa under Abu Shelukar appeared
on its annual expedition in Saurashtra. Meraman Khawas
decided to buy their help, and succeeded in inducing
Abu Shelukar to attack Gondal after paying him large
sums of money. The Marathas excelled in this mode of
warfare, and laid waste the Gondal territory so effectively
that the Jadeja was quickly reduced to a state of help-
lessness, and when the Marathas returned to Ahmadabad
Meraman Khawas had nothing further to fear from him.
As Rajkot had been laid waste earlier in the same year,
the only enemy Meraman now had to fear was the Rao of
Kachh.

In A.D. 1795 a Nawanagar army marched to Dwarka
and attacked the Wagher pirates, taking from them
several villages and destroying others. Two years later a
Maratha army, collecting tribute, encamped at Pardhari,
near Nawanagar, and while they were there Jam Jasaji
and his younger brother, Sataji, managed to effect for a
short time their escape from bondage. They won over a
nmnber of Arab soldiers to their side, and on a certain
night it was agreed that the Arabs should remain in
ambush outside the city, and enter the town in support
of the Jam as soon as they should hear the sound of firing.
Unfortunately for the Jam, the night chosen proved to
be dark and stormy, and when those inside the town
opened fire on Meraman' s house, the Arabs were unable
to come to their assistance, since a river separating them
from Nawanagar came down in flood and they were unable
to cross it. Jam Jasaji under these circiunstances was
not sufficiently strong to carry out his design, and was
captured and again imprisoned — ^this time in the Khawas'
own house. Here he was kept in strict confinement for
two months, during which time Meraman did not even
allow him to change his dress. Finally Raghunathji,

154

NAWANAGAR IS BESIEGED

considering the Khawas had gone too far, advised him
to release the Jam. Meraman abused the messenger
and, losing his temper, was never afterwards on terms of
friendship with Dewan Amarji's son. But he saw the
force of the advice and released his captive, keeping him,
however, very strictly watched.

Later in the same year (a.d. 1797) Fateh Mahomed
again crossed the Rann with an army from Kachh. But
this time Meraman was ready for him, and had augmented
his army with a large body of mercenary troops of the
army of Malhar Rao Gaekwad. In addition he obtained
aid from Nawab Hamed Khan of Junagadh at the cost
of a large sum of money, while he was successful in inducing
Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa and Sheikh Murtaza of
Mangrol to bring contingents to his support. The army
thus formed awaited the Kachh troops at Dhensara, near
the Rann, in Morvi territory, and when Fateh Mahomed
arrived and saw the host arrayed against him, he thought
better of attacking it. He agreed to submit all disputes
to the arbitration of four men, Raghunathji, Karsanji
Jhala, Kalian Hirji, and Shah Shavji, acting respectively
for Nawanagar, Dhrangadhra, Junagadh, and Kachh, and
retired with his army to the North of the Rann.

In the following year, however, Rao Rayadhanji again
returned to the attack, and with Fateh Mahomed and
a huge army reached Nawanagar unmolested, where he
camped near the Naganath Mahadeva temple. Meraman
now barricaded the gates of Nawanagar with bricks, but
Fateh Mahomed learning from some of the defenders that
one of the walls of the fort was not strongly defended,
attacked at the place indicated instead of at the gate
where he was expected, counting on help from his friends
within the town. But before the Kachh troops had
mounted the scaling ladders, Meraman Khawas, inspecting
his batteries at dawn, discovered the plan. The assault
was delivered with desperate valour, but Fateh Mahomed

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

was unable to gain access to the town, and the Kachh
army was eventually forced to retire on Khambhalia,
which place was also unsuccessfully besieged.

Meraman now decided to attack Bhanwad fort, near
Ghumli, which was held by Rajput sympathisers of Jam
Jasaji, who had been overrunning the country round in
the Barda Hills. Amin Saheb was at this time, in a.d.
1799, sent from Baroda to levy tribute, and happened to
be at Wankaner. Meraman sent word to him agreeing
to pay the tribute demanded, which was three times the
amount usually levied. The danger of attack by the
Marathas now being averted, Ranchhodji (the second son
of Dewan Amarji) was sent against Bhanwad. But after
a desultory siege lasting for over four months the Nawa-
nagar army proved unable to capture the place. Mean-
while Fateh Mahomed again brought an army across the
Rann and attacked Nawanagar, and Meraman sent Raghu-
nathji to Shivram Kamedan, who was collecting the
Maratha tribute near Viramgam, asking his aid. Shivram
consented to assist him and marched towards Nawanagar.
But Meraman now repented having called upon him,
fearing he would be persuaded to take up the cause of
Jam Jasaji against himself. Accordingly he arranged an
interview with Fateh Mahomed at Dhumao, and there
concluded peace with him. He now wrote to Shivram
and informed him he need not trouble to advance further,
as the matter in dispute for which his aid had been sought
was now settled.

Raghunathji had now to pacify Shivram, since he had
made all arrangements with him, and Shivram felt he was
being trifled with. He therefore levied money from the
district in which the Maratha army was encamped suffi-
cient to pay the expenses of the march across the penin-
sula, after receiving which Shivram returned to Gujarat.
But Meraman was displeased with Raghunathji on this
account, and the latter prudently went to Dhrol, instead

156

DEATH OF MERAMAN KHAWAS

of to Nawanagar, where he began an intrigue with Jam
Jasaji.

In the previous year Meraman Khawas had begun to
make preparations for the future, fearing he would some
day be ousted from his strong position. He therefore
obtained from Jam Jasaji written deeds assigning him
Jodia, Amran, and Balambha as hereditary possessions,
having obtained which he felt his position to be secure.
But in A.D. 1800 Meraman Khawas died, and by his death
there passed away one of the most successful adventurers
who ever attained power in Western India. Filled with
a great ambition, he was totally unscrupulous, and had he
not died naturally, there is little doubt that he would
very shortly have been assassinated. After his death his
sons were considered to be unable to succeed to his posses-
sions, since their mother was a Mahomedan ; but Sangram
and Pragji, the sons of his brother Bhawan Khawas (who
had died in a.d. 1797), were permitted by Jam Jasaji to
succeed to the possession of Jodia, Amran, and Balambha,
where they retired and became separate tribute-paying
landholders.

After the death of Amarji, disorder again reigned in
Junagadh. The news of the murder was not long in
reaching the ears of Rupoji Sindhia, a personal friend of
the late Dewan, and a cousin of Madhaji Sindhia, who
was in Saurashtra at the time at the head of a Maratha
army. Amarji's relations begged Rupoji to march on
Junagadh, and in answer to the appeal he advanced with
his army as far as Dhandhusar, a village about eight miles
from Junagadh, from where he sent a messenger to the
Nawab advising him to release all the relations of the
murdered Dewan whom he had placed in confinement.
The Nawab was obliged to yield, but after he had done
so the Maratha army remained encamped at Dhandhusar
while Rupoji demanded some satisfactory arrangement
for the maintenance of the released prisoners. As a result

157

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

^ f

certain villages were handed over to them, and Raghu-
nathji, Amarji's eldest son, was appointed Dewan of
Junagadh. The Maratha forces now retired, but the
Arab soldiery, who had all along been faithful to Amarji,
confined the Nawab in tents near the Wanthali gate in
Junagadh, and refused to release him until their arrears
of pay should be satisfied. The Nawab, however, suc-
ceeded by a trick in escaping. Having sent for a covered
chair, he spread the report that his mother, whom he
had not seen for several months, was coming to visit him.
The chair was brought inside a tent, while the Arabs
remained on guard outside. The Nawab now made the
chair-carriers carry him out concealed beneath the curtain,
while a servant, Rahmat Khan, took the Nawab' s place
on a bed in the tent and so deceived the guards. As soon
as he found himself free, the Nawab made a furious attack
on the disaffected portion of his army with those troops
who remained loyal to him. Finally a compromise was
effected, and the Arabs returned to duty when half their
demands had been paid them.

Raghunathji's position as Dewan quickly became very
difficult, and intrigues were soon made with the object
of obliging him to resign. His relations, seeing how
matters stood, went to live at Jetpur, while the Dewan
stayed at Verawal. The Nawab, however, succeeded by
bribes and promises in inducing the garrison to expel him
from this place, and he, too, now went to Jetpur. Finally,
in A.D. 1785 the Nawab decided to take back all the villages
he had handed over under pressure from the Marathas the
year before, and Sutrapada, the most important of these
villages, was now resumed. The remaining villages soon
shared the same fate; but Jade j a Kumbhoji of Gondal,
seeing how matters stood and fearing the Marathas rather
than the Nawab, made friends with the family of Amarji
and gave them every assistance.

Finding the strong hand of Amarji removed, the

158

RANA SULTANJI CAPTURES VERAWAL

principal officers of the Arab and Sindhi troops in the
Nawab's employ now endeavoured to become independent.
The Nawab, however, managed to expel them from Jiuia-
gadh, when they immediately went to Wanthali, where
they were able to defend themselves in strength. All
efforts of the Nawab to dislodge them failed, and he then
endeavoured to obtain help from Rana Sultanji, but
without avail. Seeing now something of his folly in
murdering his Minister and driving out his family, he
made overtures to Amarji's brother Dullabhji and his son
Raghunathji to return to his service, which they consented
to do, and shortly afterwards the rebellious Arabs and
Sindhis returned to their allegiance.

In A.D. 1787 the Jagirdar of Chorwad, Sanghji Raizadah,
was killed in a battle with Aliya Hathi of Malia. Rana
Sultanji, who had transferred his headquarters perma-
nently to Porbandar from Chhaya in a.d. 1785, now
claimed relationship with the dead chief, and gained
possession of Chorwad on agreeing to pay the demands
of the troops who had fought against Malia. Seeing
Verawal now practically undefended, the Rana in a.d.
1788 made a night-march from Chorwad and surprised
and captured the fort. He now made the mistake of
quarrelling with the Sheikh of Mangrol, and when the
Nawab, accompanied by Dullabhji and Raghunathji,
marched to recapture Chorwad, the Sheikh was also
against him. The Rana's forces under Ibrahim Khan
made a gallant stand, but they were not sufficiently strong
to withstand the attack for long, and were finally obUged
to surrender after Ibrahim Khan had been killed.

The Nawab now marched on Verawal, which he found
strongly fortified to resist him. A counter-attack by the
garrison was repulsed, but the besieging force were imable
to make any headway. Eventually two men, Ali Khan
Ataji and Hansoji, turned traitor within the fort, and on
a dark night admitted the Nawab's army through a

159

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

postern gate. The garrison did not discover what was
happening until three hundred men had entered the fort.
But in spite of the disadvantageous position in which
they found themselves they made a brave resistance, and
only fled when a cousin of the Rana Sultanji had been
slain. After the recapture of Verawal the army of the
Nawab marched against Porbandar, and compelled the
Rana to surrender and to pay a large fine.

Meanwhile Ranchodji, to whom Sutrapada had been
restored, quarrelled with the Nawab, and for six months
retired from his service, until finally he was solicited
earnestly to return, which he did. Jade j a Kumbhoji of
Gondal contrived to profit by the misunderstanding, and
before it was removed he succeeded in obtaining from the
Nawab a document granting him the villages of Jetalsar,
Meli, Majethi, Lath, and Bhimora in perpetuity. In
exchange for these he wrote off the debt which the Nawab
had borrowed from him in a.d. 1774, and which he saw
no hope of being paid back to him.

The town of Bantwa was now attacked by Daghoji
Raizadah, the Zamindar of Kesoj (Keshod), and Edal Khan
Babi with Mukhtiar Khan Babi sought aid from their
kinsman the Nawab in repelling the invader. DuUabhji
and Ranchodji (brother and son of Amarji) were sent in
command of troops to their aid, and a battle was fought
at Agatrai village, where Mukhtiar Khan was wounded.
Subsequently another fight took place at Mawana, where
the forces of Daghoji were defeated, and he was compelled
to retire from Bantwa, to pay a fine, and to deliver up all
the property he had taken. He then returned to his
headquarters, but a few months later was in such straits
for want of money to pay his troops that he was very glad
to sell Kesoj to Junagadh.

In A.D. 1790 the Arabs again mutinied in Junagadh,
and demanded arrears of pay to be given them. The
Nawab was unable to comply with their request, and so

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ARAB REVOLT IN JUNAGADH

was seized by them and imprisoned in the Rang Mahal
palace, where they refused him even food and water.
The Nawab, however, managed to win over several of
his guards and soon contrived to escape. Collecting what
forces he could raise, he now expelled the mutineers with,
ignominy, and sent another force to cope with the Arabs
at Chorwad, who had followed the example of their friends
in Junagadh. The Chorwad Arabs held out for some
time and ravaged the country round, but they were
finally defeated and surrendered the fort. The next year
Saurashtra was visited by a disastrous famine, and to
make matters worse the Maratha army levying tribute
ravaged the country as far as Verawal. Hamed Sindhi,
the commander, was consequently able to collect very
little money, and was returning to Gujarat discontented
in A.D. 1792 when the Nawab's forces fell upon him about
eight miles from Junagadh and hastened the departure
of his troops. Hamed Sindhi himself was killed in the
fight.

Nawab Hamed Khan now began again to fear the
family of Amarji, and forgetting all they had done for
him and his State, determined to rid himself of them for
good. Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal again incited him,
and there were not lacking in Junagadh itself others who
stood to benefit by the departure of the Nawab's powerful
advisers, and were ready to welcome their downfall. And so
it happened that in a.d. 1793 Raghunathji was imprisoned,
without any reason, with his brother Morarji, and other
adherents, and their houses and property were all confis-
cated. Meanwhile Ranchodji seized Kodinar and openly
rebelled against this treatment, and shortly afterwards
Raghunathji and Morarji were released, though their
principal adherents were executed. Ranchodji was now
approached by Meraman Khawas, and as a result he
entered Nawanagar service and was given the villages of
Pardhari and Atkot. Morarji went to Bhavnagar, where

161 L

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Wakhatsinhji Gohel gave him four villages for his main-
tenance. Mangalji, son of Govindji (who had died in
A.D. 1790), sought service under Rana Sultanji, whence
he afterwards went to Nawanagar in command of a
regiment of cavalry.

The Nawab now exacted a large fine from the Nagar
Brahmans of Junagadh, and a Bania named Kalian Sheth
with Madhavrai Khushalrai, a Nagar of Gujarat, were
appointed joint Dewans. But these two soon quarrelled,
and Madhavrai, after escaping from Junagadh by digging
a passage under the Western wall of the town, seized
Wanthali.

The Nawab proceeded to Wanthali, and called upon
Raghunathji to help him to recover the fort. Raghu-
nathji, who was in Nawanagar at the time, sent Ranchodji
to represent him, and on his arrival Madhavrai surren-
dered. Ranchodji returned to Nawanagar, while Madha-
vrai went to Gondal and thence to Baroda, where Mahadji
Sindhia procured him an appointment as Vakil at the
Moghal Court at Delhi. Amin Saheb, the son of Hamed
Sindhi, who had been killed near Junagadh in a.d. 1792,
now asked permission to take a Maratha army against
the Nawab, and to revenge his father's death. This
permission was given, and in a.d. 1798 the Maratha army
advanced against Majewadi, seven miles from Junagadh,
and captured the fort. Amin Saheb now demanded
tribute from Junagadh to the extent of three times the
usual amount, and until this was paid he refused to
withdraw.

The result of paying out this large amount of money
was that Kalian Sheth, Dewan of Junagadh, had nothing
left at his disposal for paying his troops. He therefore
decided to capture Dhandhalpur from the Kathi Godad
Khawad, and in this way raise the necessary money.
But the Kathis withstood him manfully, and after a siege
lasting two months he was forced to retire to Junagadh,

162

THE SIEGE OF KUTIANA

The troops had by now become more dissatisfied than
ever, and clamoured loudly for their pay. Kalian Sheth
therefore ravaged the district round Kutiana and Por-
bandar, hoping thus to pay his men. He was now joined
by Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa, who had been dis-
graced by Amarji, and went with him into open rebellion
against Junagadh, apparently with the intention of
forming for himself an independent rule. The Nawab
was now in great straits, and sent messengers to Nawanagar
asking Raghunathji to forgive past injuries and to come
to his assistance. Raghunathji loyally accepted the
invitation and took up a position at Wanthali, at the
same time calling on his brother Ranchodji at Porbandar
for aid. Ranchodji while on his way to Wanthali was
met at Ranawao by Mukhtiar Khan, who asked forgiveness
and safe conduct to Bantwa. Both his requests were
granted, and Kalian Sheth was left alone to work out his
schemes. He retired to Kutiana and was at once besieged
by Ranchodji.

For a whole month the fort held out, the guns of the
Junagadh army making little impression on the strong
walls surrounding the town. Resort was now had to
mining, but this also proved unsuccessful. Finally one
of the gates was set on fire, and this, followed up by a
determined attack by the besiegers, caused Kalian Sheth's
position to become untenable, and he was obliged to
surrender in a.d. 1802. Shortly afterwards he died in
prison at Diu, and with the surrender of Chorwad and
Una, which had declared for the Dewan and had been
held by his son, the rebellion was quashed. After the
capture of Kutiana, Raghunathji set out on an expedition
into Jhalawad to collect tribute, accompanied by Jade j a
Dewaji of Gondal, and Ranchodji joined him after the
surrender of Una and Chorwad. While the Junagadh
forces were halted at Limbdi, Raghunathji was approached
by the Gaekwad of Baroda for aid in the siege of Kadi,

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

which he was undertaking against Shivram Kamedan,
Malhar Rao, and his brother, Hanmat Rao. Simulta-
neously the latter also asked for his help, but declining
to give assistance to either side, Raghunathji marched his
forces back to Junagadh.

Kadi fell, and two years afterwards Malhar Rao fled
to Kathiawad, and collecting an army from among all
the desperate characters of the peninsula, he set up his
standard against all. An army from Baroda was sent
to apprehend him, and he was eventually captured near
Bhavnagar and surrendered to the English. In a.d. 1803
Ranchodji again went into Jhalawad, where he levied
double the tribute usually levied by Jimagadh. At
Dhrangadhra he met with opposition of a feeble nature
from Shivram Kamedan and Hanmant Rao, who had been
released after the capture of Kadi. Kukand Rao now
rebelled against the Gaekwad at Amreli, where he seized
the fort. He captured the Nagar Desais of Wasawad,
and imprisoned them imtil they should pay ransom. In
their plight they appealed to the Nawab of Junagadh, and
Ranchodji, taking an army against Amreli, captured it
after a week's siege and drove out Mukand Rao.

In the following year Babaji Apaji, Dewan of Baroda,
entered Saurashtra with a large army, and levied three
times the amount of tribute usually exacted. Being
opposed by Nawab Hamed Khan, he besieged Wanthali,
but not being able to take the place after two months'
fighting, he withdrew along the coast towards Baroda.
Ranchodji now hung on his flanks and rear, and harassed
the Marathas without giving them any opportunity for
fighting a pitched battle. Finally, as the price of desist-
ance from this guerilla warfare, Babaji Apaji was glad
to restore all the written bonds and deeds he had extracted
from the villages and to take only the ordinary amount of
tribute. Until the arrival of Colonel Walker with the
Gaekwad's army in a.d. 1807 to conclude a settlement

164

PEACE IN KATHIAWAD

regarding the tribute to be paid, the happenings in Kathia-
wad were of minor importance. In a.d. 1804 Rana
Sultanji of Porbandar was deposed by his son Haloji,
and in the following year Ranchodji levied tribute from
Rajkot on behalf of the Nawab of Junagadh, who had
in the same year mortgaged Kutiana to Raghunathji and
thus declared his friendship with the family which had
done so much for him. Colonel Walker's arrival opened
up a new epoch in the annals of Saurashtra, and the year
A.D. 1807 was the beginning of an era of peace such as
the peninsula had not experienced since Mahmud of
Ghazni made his incursion to obtain possession of the
treasure of Somnath temple nearly eight hundred years
before.

I W

165

iM
If?

II
U.

CHAPTER XIII

(a.d. 1772-1807)

When Wakhatsinhji Gohel succeeded his father as ruler
of Bhavnagar in a.d. 1772, he found himself to be the
owner of a very desirable property. The first years of
his rule were spent in improving the administration, and
it was not until he had been on the gadi for eight years
that he began to enlarge his dominions. In a.d. 1771
Akherajji had refused to accept Talaja when that place
was offered to him by the English, as he did not wish to
extend his boundaries. But in a.d. 1780 Wakhatsinhji
again got the opportunity of adding it to Bhavnagar, for
the Nawab of Cambay, being unable to keep order and
finding the administration of the stronghold somewhat
of a burden, offered to sell it. Wakhatsinhji had not the
objections which his predecessor had had to including it
within his borders, and accepted the Nawab of Cambay's
offer after having ascertained from the British Govern-
ment that they had no objections to make to the trans-
action. The Governor of Talaja, Nur-ud-din, refused,
however, to deliver up the place, and Wakhatsinhji was
obliged to take an army against him and drive him out,
which he did after some fighting.

Scarcely was this affair over, when the Gohel chief of
Lathi besought Wakhatsinhji to come to his assistance in
driving out the Kathis who had laid waste his territories.
Wakhatsinhji led his army against the marauders, defeated
them, and compelled them to acknowledge his supremacy.
Trouble now centred round Talaja. Hamir Khasia, the

166

'i t;

THE CAPTURE OF MAHUVA

Zamindar of Waghnagar, having seized Jhanjhmer and
made that place his headquarters, conducted a number
of raids on villages subject to Talaja, and created much
misery. Wala Khimoji, Wakhatsinhji's newly appointed
governor at Talaja, found himself unable to cope with
the raiders, and asked Wakhatsinhji to punish them.
An army from Bhavnagar thereupon marched on Jhanjh-
mer and captured it, but Hamir Khasia managed to escape
and fled to Gopnath, where he took refuge with a friend.
He was eventually surrendered after receiving a promise
that his life would be spared on condition that he desisted
from attacking Bhavnagar territory, and Wakhatsinhji
sent him back to Waghnagar. He now quarrelled with
his uncle, Jasa Khasia of Mahuva, and attacked him, but
without success. He therefore suggested to Wakhatsinhji
that now was a good opportunity for adding Mahuva to
his dominions, and the latter being desirous of punishing
Jasa Khasia for a recent act of piracy committed against
a Bhavnagar ship, fell in with the suggestion, and marched
against Mahuva with a large force of fifteen thousand men.
The town was reached in a.d. 1784, after much difficulty
had been experienced in passing through coimtry covered
with a forest of thorn-trees, through which a way had
to be cut.

A seven days' fight ensued, the attacking force being
unable to make good a footing within the fort. But
finally a portion of the wall was breached by artillery and
the Bhavnagar army effected an entrance. Meanwhile
Jasa Khasia had fled to Rajula, and after his departure
his troops gave up hope and sirrrendered. At Rajula
Jasa Khasia induced the Zamindar, Bhola Dhankhado,
to endeavour to recover Mahuva for him, and Wakhat-
sinhji found himself confronted with a new enemy. He
marched on Rajula, while Bhola Dhankhado retired before
him and finally surrendered. Rajula now came with
Mahuva under Wakhatsinhji's rule, and garrisons were

167

ii '

I I'll

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAB

placed in both forts. He now marched against Danta
Kotila of Dedan, to whom Jasa Khasia had fled for
protection. But Danta Kotila refused help to Jasa
Khasia, and instead acknowledged the supremacy of
Bhavnagar, whereupon Wakhatsinhji did not pursue the
fugitive further and returned to his capital. Danta Kotila
was a Babria chief who was so called on account of his
having been born with teeth already " cut."

Jasa Khasia made his way to the Gir Forest, and there
indulged in making raids against villages around Mahuva,
and in waylaying and looting travellers. His nephew,
Hamir Khasia, helped him and gave him shelter when
necessary, and hearing of this Wakhatsinhji ordered the
Governor of Mahuva to take his troops and capture
Waghnagar. The town fell before the onslaught, and
Hamir Khasia fled to the Gir, where he joined his imcle
and became with him an outlaw. The energy with which
Wakhatsinhji had conducted his campaign against the
pirates infesting his coasts had not been without result,
and the seas had become tolerably safe for shipping. He
now pointed out all this to the British Government, and
asked in return for aid should the Nawab of Junagadh
attack him out of jealousy for his success. In reply he
received from the British their warm appreciation of all
he had been able to accomplish.

Affairs at Kundla now engaged the attention of
Wakhatsinhji. The district was in the possession of a
Kathi named Ala Khuman, whose six sons — ^Bhoja, Mulu,
Hada, Luna, Sura, and Vira Khuman — quarrelled regard-
ing the partition of the property when he died in a.d. 1784.
Bhoja Khuman felt he in particular had suffered by the
division, and so he approached Wakhatsinhji and made
over to him his share of the property with certain reserva-
tions. He then returned to Kundla, only to find all his
brothers ready to kill him for his action in the matter.
Bhoja Khuman appealed to Bhavnagar for help, and

168

WAKHATSINHJI CAT^TURES KUNDLA

Wakhatsinhji despatched a force to garrison the town and
protect his interests. But the remaining five brothers
resisted and drove back the troops. At this stage two
other of the brothers went to Junagadh, where they asked
aid against Mulu Khuman, offering the same inducement
to Nawab Hamed Khan that Bhoja Khuman had made
to Wakhatsinhji Gohel. The Nawab now also sent a
force to Krnidla, which was repulsed as before by Mulu
Khuman.

The Nawab had now no opportunity to retmn to the
attack, since Jmiagadh was in a state of turmoil following
the death of Dewan Amarji ; so in a.d. 1790 Wakhatsinhji
thought the time propitious for taking a large army to
Kundla and establishing himself there. All excepting
Bhoja Wala now united to oppose him, and after two
days' furious fighting the Kathis made a counter attack
by night. Wakhatsinhji, however, had heard of their
intention, and repulsed them, at the same time sending a
force round the flank to intercept their return to the
town. The result of this manoeuvre was that the Kathis
fled in all directions and Wakhatsinhji entered Kundla.

Shortly afterwards the Kathis reassembled at Mitiala,
where they were joined by a small force sent to their aid
by the Nawab of Jmiagadh. But the united armies were
not sufficiently strong to recapture Kundla, and Wakhat-
sinhji, perceiving their hesitation, took the initiative
against them, and marching on Mitiala, repeated the
success he had obtained at Kundla. Bhavnagar troops
now occupied both places, and Wakhatsinhji next marched
against the Kathis of Lilia and Gundaran, who were aided
by a small force from Junagadh imder one Mahomed
Tora, which had been sent to assist them at their request.
These places shared the same fate as Kundla and Mitiala,
and Wakhatsinhji's power became paramount throughout
the district. The Khuman Kathis, despairing of getting
any effectual aid from Junagadh on accoimt of the disorder

169

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

reigning there, now appealed to Vira Wala, a Kathi of
Jetpur. The Wala Kathis were quite ready to help their
brethren Khumans, and Kumpa Wala of Chital, an
important Kathi stronghold, undertook to amass a strong
army. He called for aid from the Khachar Kathis, and
Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan brought a large force to Chital.
In a short time the whole of the Kathi fighting men had
formed themselves into a formidable array under Kumpa
Wala, and assembled at Chital ready to make a move on
Bhavnagar. But they waited too long. In a.d. 1793
Wakhatsinhji, hearing of the forces being collected to
attack him, decided to attack first. He therefore assembled
as large an army as he could collect, and calling upon the
Gohels of Wala and Lathi to join him, marched against
Chital and invested the Kathi army within the fort.

Wakhatsinhji took up a strong position outside the
town and proceeded to batter the walls with his artillery.
This mode of warfare was little suited to the Kathis, who
chafed at their inaction and much preferred raiding to
fighting a pitched battle. Gradually the Kathi leaders
gave up fighting and retired with their followers from the
fort. Wakhatsinhji waited until the number of the
defenders had greatly diminished, and then he launched
his whole army in a vigorous attack upon them. The
walls were breached and after some hard fighting those
Kathis who had not fled, or been killed, sm-rendered, and
Chital came into Wakhatsinhji's hands. Kumpa Wala
fled to Jetpur, while his brother, Bhaya Wala, was taken
prisoner. Wajsur Khachar returned to Jasdan in safety,
but Wakhatsinhji hotly pursued the flying Kathis as far
as Kunkavao, and inflicted great loss upon them. Here
he released Bhaya Wala, and then returned to Chital,
where he placed a garrison. He now attacked and cap-
tured Saldi and then immediately marched on Gadhra
and Botad, which places he subdued without difficulty.
The Kathis of Babra were also defeated and the town

170

THE KATHIS ROUTED

wall demolished, but as the place was mortgaged to the
Gaekwad of Baroda, Wakhatsinhji refrained from placing
a garrison there and turned his steps towards Jasdan.

At Jasdan Wajsur Khachar had prepared to resist.
But Wakhatsinhji's artillery proved too strong for him,
and after withstanding a siege of but a few days he fled
to Bhoira, whither Wakhatsinhji pursued him. But he
escaped, and after leaving garrisons in all the important
places he had recently captured from the Kathis, Wakhat-
sinhji returned to Bhavnagar.

Jasa Khasia died in a.d. 1793, and Hamir Kliasia,
seeing the complete defeat of the Kathis, became anxious
to make peace with Bhavnagar. Wakhatsinhji, realizing
that it is sometimes advisable to conciliate a foe rather
than to exasperate him, and having sufficient enemies
already against him, accepted Hamir Khasia's overtures.
On receiving a promise never to rebel, nor to harbour
enemies of Bhavnagar, he handed over to him ten villages
under Sedarda and gave twelve under Monpur to his
nephew, Khima Khasia.

As soon as the principal Kathi strongholds had been
reduced, Wakhatsinhji found himself opposed by his
kinsman Unadji Gohel of Palitana, whose one ambition
was to obtain possession of Sihor, considering that his
ancestor Kandhoji of Gariadhar had been wrongly dis-
possessed of the fortress by Visoji Gohel two hundred
years before. He was also jealous of Wakhatsinhji's
success, and calling upon the Khuman Kathis, who had
fled for refuge to the Gir Forest, he promised them revenge
on Wakhatsinhji for their wrongs if they joined with him
in his enterprise. He easily and quickly collected a
substantial force of fighting men, and meditated a march
on Tana as a preliminary to attacking Sihor. The Bhav-
nagar army had in the meanwhile been paid off and
disbanded, and Wakhatsinhji found some difficulty in
raising a sufficient number of men to resist the threatened

171

■!

i \

Vi !

t i
1

1 i

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

invasion. But he decided to occupy Sihor for the present,
and marched there with such forces as he could collect
in a short time, reaching the fort before Tana had been
invested.

Unadji Gohel had meanwhile set out from Palitana,
but his son Kandhoji, imagining he had discovered some
ill omen, called him back, and the army marched without
him. When Wakhatsinhji heard of the advance, he
decided to attack despite his inferiority in numbers, his
army being commanded by Raimalji Gohel. When the
two armies met the fight began, and almost at once one
of the leading Kathis was killed. The remaining Kathis
dismounted to recover his body, seeing which Raimalji
led a charge of his whole army. The Kathis, in confusion,
were soon driven off the field, while the disheartened and
leaderless troops of Palitana broke and fled, hotly pursued
by Raimalji's cavalry.

The defeated Kathis fled to the Gir Forest and Wakhat-
sinhji returned to Bhavnagar after leaving troops to
defend Tana, Budhna, and Madhra in case of a fresh
attack. The Kathis were not yet beaten, however, and
Hada Khuman, their leader, pursued guerilla warfare
against Bhavnagar with vigour. He plundered Langala,
in the Unurala district, but Wakhatsinhji coming up
quickly with his accustomed dash overtook him at
Goghasamdi and inflicted severe pimishment on the
Kathi forces. They fled in confusion into the forest, and
Wakhatsinhji returned to Sihor. The Kathis next attacked
the Wanani Girasias at the instigation of Unadji Gohel,
and they called on Wakhatsinhji for protection. He
defeated the invaders and drove them away, and at the
end of A.D. 1794 scarcely a Kathi remained in his territory.

The Maratha army imder Shivram Kamedan camped
at Moti Dharai in a.d. 1795 while engaged on one of their
annual expeditions, with the intention of attacking Sihor.
Wakhatsinhji sent him word that he would be unable to

172

^mmm^

THE BATTLE OF LOLIANA

pay any tribute as his country was waste and barren, and
had suffered much from the wars of the past few years.
Shivram considered this message to be most insolent, and
sent back word that unless the tribute were paid at once,
together with arrears of the past ten years, he would
proceed to conquer the country and would occupy Bhav-
nagar town with a permanent garrison. Wakhatsinhji,
however, felt himself to be sufficiently strong to resist
the Marathas with a reasonable chance of success, and his
reply to Shivram was to march against him with his large
and well-equipped army. The two forces met at Loliana,
where a fight took place which lasted for three days
without decided advantage to either side. But a drawn
battle was in effect a victory for Wakhatsinhji, for the
Maratha general, realizing that in the event of defeat he
would meet with resistance from all the remaining chiefs
of the peninsula and would be refused payment of all
tribute, decided to retire. The Bhavnagar troops were
too exhausted and had lost too heavily to follow up their
advantage, and the crippled Maratha army made its way
to Hathasni, and thence, after partially recouping, con-
tinued on its collecting expedition. Bhavnagar, however,
paid no tribute this year.

While Wakhatsinhji's attention had been entirely
taken up by the Marathas, Unadji Gohel of Palitana and
Hada Khuman thought the time had come for making
an attack on Sihor. But they were beaten back with loss
by Pathabhai, who was in command of the fort during
Wakhatsinhji's absence. Meanwhile the battle of Loliana
was fought, and Unadji went to Shivram's camp and
endeavoured to persuade that general to continue fighting
and to attack Sihor. But he was imsuccessful, for the
Maratha considered that he would have little chance of
success against the fort, having been virtually beaten in
a pitched battle, and the fort having held out against
Unadji in spite of the weakness of its garrison. Unadji

173

;r.

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

therefore returned to Palitana, only just in time to arrive
there before Wakhatsinhji with his army arrived to invest
the fort. The attack was conducted with vigour, and
Palitana was seriously damaged by Wakhatsinhji's artil-
lery ; but he failed to obtain an entrance and marched
away to ravage the surrounding country. Gariadhar was
plundered, and the army afterwards returned to Bhav-
nagar.

But Wakhatsinhji was allowed little time for reflection
or peace, and the following year (a.d. 1796) found him
still fighting strenuously, this time with Nawab Hamed
Khan of Junagadh and his former Kathi foes. Mamaya
Dhankhado, brother of Bhola Dhankhado of Rajula, who
had been defeated by Wakhatsinhji in a.d. 1784, became
dissatisfied with his condition of complete subjection to
Bhavnagar and besought help from the Nawab, offering
bv wav of inducement to make over to him a share in
the town after the Bhavnagar troops should be driven
out. Hamed Khan had long regarded Wakhatsinhji as
a powerful rival, but had not yet been able to try conclu-
sions in war on a big scale with him on account of the
disorders in and about Junagadh, which prevented him
from paying much attention to matters which did not
directly concern him. He now saw his way to send a
small force to Rajula, and when this was repulsed he
augmented it with a further two thousand men, and by
dint of numbers succeeded in driving out the defenders
and occupying the fort. On hearing of the fall of Rajula,
Wakhatsinhji immediately despatched a considerable force
to recapture it, ordering troops from Mahuva to co-operate
in the attack. As a result, before reinforcements could
arrive from Junagadh, the Nawab's forces were driven out
and Rajula was again occupied by Wakhatsinhji's men.

Hamed Khan now became seriously agitated, and
determined at all costs to defeat Wakhatsinhji and regain
his prestige. He therefore collected as large an army

174

i ■

Jamadar Taleb with his Arab " Barrack."

Lungho Sumar and Lungho Nathoo,
and the State Standard-bearers.

Govalia Kathi Cavalry.

A Combat before Chital.

Sarvaiya Mepabhai and Raol Pathabhai
in full panoply with Cheetah Chariot.

FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR.

! ■/.

1 ''•

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

therefore returned to Palitana, only just in time to arrive
there before Wakhatsinhji with his army arrived to invest
the fort. The attack was conducted with vigour, and
Pahtana was seriously damaged by Wakhatsinhji's artil-
lery ; but he failed to obtain an entrance and marched
away to ravage the surrounding country. Gariadhar was
plundered, and the army afterwards returned to Bhav-
nagar.

But Wakhatsinhji was allowed little time for reflection
or peace, and the following year (a.d. 1796) found him
still fighting strenuously, this time with Nawab Hamed
Khan of Junagadh and his former Kathi foes. Mamaya
Dhankhado, brother of Bhola Dhankhado of Rajula, who
had been defeated by Wakhatsinhji in a.d. 1784, became
dissatisfied with his condition of complete subjection to
Bhavnagar and besought help from the Nawab, offering
by way of inducement to make over to him a share in
the town after the Bhavnagar troops should be driven
out. Hamed Khan had long regarded Wakhatsinhji as
a powerful rival, but had not yet been able to try conclu-
sions in war on a big scale with him on account of the
disorders in and about Junagadh, which prevented him
from paying much attention to matters which did not
directly concern him. He now saw his way to send a
small force to Rajula, and when this was repulsed he
augmented it with a further two thousand men, and by
dint of numbers succeeded in driving out the defenders
and occupying the fort. On hearing of the fall of Rajula,
Wakhatsinhji immediately despatched a considerable force
to recapture it, ordering troops from Mahuva to co-operate
in the attack. As a result, before reinforcements could
arrive from Junagadh, the Nawab's forces were driven out
and Rajula was again occupied by Wakhatsinhji's men.

Hamed Khan now became seriously agitated, and
determined at all costs to defeat Wakhatsinhji and regain
his prestige. He therefore collected as large an army

174

Jamadar Taleb with his Arab " Barrack."

Lungho Sumar and Lungho Nathoo.
and the State Standard-bearers.

Govalia Kathi Cavalry.

A Combat before Chital.

Sarvaiya Mepabhai and Raol Pathabhai
in full panoply with Cheetah Chariot.

FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR.

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THE BATTLE OF WARAL

as he could muster and marched on Kundla, which he
took after a short fight, and then on Rajula. On the way
he was joined by great numbers of Kathis, who now saw
an opportunity for avenging the many defeats they had
suffered three years before. The small Bhavnagar force
in Rajula was unable to withstand the terrific onslaught
made upon it, and when its leaders had been killed, and a
successful defence became hopeless, it surrendered. Having
captured Rajula, the Nawab decided to attack Bhavnagar,
to the great delight of the Kathis, who gave him little
opportunity for changing his mind. Wakhatsinhji was
imdismayed, and marched to meet his opponents with
all the fighting men he could collect. The armies met at
Waral, where an indecisive battle was fought, but the
troops of the Nawab had been so severely handled that
he was obliged to retire after the fight towards Lathi, and
encamped at Jarakhia. After a short time spent in
recouping, he again marched in the direction of Patna,
Wakhatsinhji advancing from Dhasa to oppose him. A
fiu'ious and indecisive battle again took place, and at the
end of a day's fighting both Wakhatsinhji and the Nawab
were glad to entertain a proposal of peace made by Jiaji
Jethwa, a near relation of Wakhatsinhji's brother-in-law,
Rana Sultan ji of Porbandar. The terms finally agreed
upon were that Wakhatsinhji should pay tribute to the
Nawab, who was to resign all claims on Kundla, Rajula,
and several other places of lesser importance. Peace
being thus concluded, Wakhatsinhji returned to Bhav-
nagar, while Nawab Khan marched to Dhandhalpur,
accompanied by his Dewan, Kalian Sheth (who had
strongly advised the Nawab to make peace), and attacked
unsuccessfully the Kathi chief Godad Khawad.

Wakhatsinhji now decided it would be to his advantage
to make peace with the Kathis, fearing that they might
induce the Nawab to attack him again in greater strength
than before. He therefore offered to restore Chital to

175

l*' i'.

lir'

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Kumpa Wala, and in a.d. 1797 the Kathi chief re-occupied
the town on the understanding that he would not assist
the Kathis of Kundla against Bhavnagar, and that he
would not succour outlaws from the State. The result
of this move soon became apparent. The Kundla Kathis
under Hada Khuman seeing their cause against Bhavnagar
to be hopeless, made complete surrender to Wakhatsinhji,
from whom they received Babriadhar and ten other vil-
lages. This further instance of generous treatment to
his former foes by Wakhatsinhji induced Wajsur Khachar
of Jasdan to ask for peace, while other Kathis quickly
followed his example and secured the restoration of a
part of the lands which had been taken from them.

With the pacification of the Kathis, Wakhatsinhji
became free to turn his attention to the internal develop-
ment of the resources of his State, and to cultivate his
friendship with the British Government, which had been
so well begun for him by his father. In a.d. 1802 the
British became paramount in Gujarat, and Wakhatsinhji
was bound to come into close touch with them on accoiuit
of the geographical position of his State, and its proximity
to both Gujarat and Baroda. As a result of the Treaty
of Bassein in a.d. 1802 between the British Government
and the Peshwa of Poona, the British became entitled to
collect the tribute due from Wakhatsinhji to the latter.
The centre of British activity, so far as it related to
Kathiawad, was at this time at Baroda, where a Resident
had been placed, and Anand Rao Gaekwad was the
recipient of British support and advice. Several of his
enemies had been defeated with the aid of British troops
in Gujarat and elsewhere, and in a.d. 1804 a powerful
force under Babaji Apaji was sent into Saurashtra to
restore the Maratha prestige, which had for some years
been declining, and to enforce payment of tribute from
all chiefs in the peninsula. Babaji Apaji advanced on
Sihor, and on arrival at Ambla, ten miles distant from

176

I ;.-

THE MARATHAS REPULSED

the fort, he sent a demand to Wakhatsinhji for payment
of the annual levy. Wakhatsinhji refused to comply
with the request, and prepared to resist the Marathas at
Sihor. Babaji Apaji now advanced, but was unable to
compel the surrender of Wakhatsinhji in spite of the most
determined assaults which were made.

Finally the Marathas were obliged to retire, but in
the following year they again marched against Wakhat-
sinhji at Bhavnagar, determined this time to be successful
at all costs. The Marathas entrenched themselves near
the Gadhechi River, and for ten days maintained a con-
tinuous artillery fire on the town. The assault was,
however, beaten off, but the town had been severely
battered, and Wakhatsinhji perceiving that in the end
he must be beaten, agreed with a good grace to pay the
tribute demanded, on receipt of which Babaji Apaji
raised the siege and retired.

Wakhatsinhji had now made peace with all his prin-
cipal enemies, with the exception of Unadji Gohel of
Palitana. In a.d. 1806 Jadeja Kumbhoji of Gondal came
to Bhavnagar to mediate between the two Gohel chiefs,
and he carried some weight since his son had married
Wakhatsinhji's daughter. His efforts ended in success,
for Wakhatsinhji and Unadji became reconciled at Lavarda,
the latter making his kinsman a present of the village of
Pingli, near Talaja, to commemorate the occasion.

In the next year Colonel Walker, on behalf of the
British Government, entered Kathiawad with the Maratha
army, and with his advent a new era was opened, making
the year a.d. 1807 for ever memorable in the history of
the peninsula.

177

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CHAPTER XIV

(a.d. 1807-1808)

The reasons leading to the entry of the British into
Kathiawad were for the most part twofold : firstly those
affecting the interests of the inhabitants of the peninsula ;
and secondly those relating to the state of friendship
existing between the British Government and the Gaekwad
of Baroda. We have already seen that a Resident had
been stationed at Baroda and that British troops had
recently acted in conjunction with the Gaekwad's army
in the task of pacifying Gujarat, and putting down rebellion
elsewhere. Consequently it followed that when year by
year the Marathas met with refusals to pay tribute, and
even with active resistance while engaged in collecting
their dues in Kathiawad, some means had to be devised
whereby regular payments should be made and bloodshed
avoided. In addition to this, a number of chiefs which
included Jadeja Sataji, brother of Jam Jasaji of Nawa-
nagar, the Jadeja chief of Morvi, and the Kathis of Chital,
Jetpur and Kundla, had applied to the British for assist-
ance against their more powerful oppressors. In conse-
quence of these considerations, it was arranged and decided
that Colonel Alexander Walker, Resident at Baroda,
should accompany the Maratha army on its expedition
under Babaji Apaji in a.d. 1807 with authority to fix the
amounts of tribute to be paid by each State, and to decide
where British aid should be extended to supplicant chiefs
and to what extent. There were, indeed, further reasons
for taking such action. In a.d. 1803 the Rana of Por-

178

COLONEL WALKER ENTERS KATHIAWAD

bandar had plundered property belonging to the Persian
ambassador, for which no redress had been taken. It
was necessary to take steps to prevent the possibility of
such outrages in future. In addition to this, the Nawab
of Junagadh had plimdered a quantity of wheat belonging
to the British, and had robbed an inhabitant of Bombay
of some valuable property, for which acts of aggression it
had so far been impossible to exact compensation.

When Colonel Walker entered the peninsula in a.d;
1807 the country was in a state of chronic disorder and
desolation, the result primarily of the annual Maratha
expeditions. The villages of Jhalawad were few and
those in a miserable state, while their inhabitants lived
in a constant state of fear of aggression. The land was
destitute of woods and trees to such an extent that fuel
was practically unprocurable, while cultivation was scarcely
undertaken. The population of the coimtry districts had
almost entirely disappeared throughout the province, the
people preferring to seek safety in walled towns. On
the road between Kandorna and Rajkot alone, no less
than thirty towns and villages had been laid waste and
were nothing but deserted ruins. Such villages as were
not deserted were mortgaged to creditors, the lives of the
villagers and their families being regarded as security for
the payment of revenue. The chiefs themselves were
poor, and in most cases it was quite impossible for them
to produce their dues when tribute was demanded of them
by the Marathas. In short, everything was chaos and
confusion, and great misery was the lot of all those who
were unable to exact a livelihood from others less fortmiate
even than themselves. Rapine and robbery were rampant
throughout the country, and the hand of every man was
against his neighbour.

Babaji Apaji, after marching through Jhalawad, pro-
ceeded with Colonel Walker to Morvi, where a condition
of great disorder prevailed. After prolonged proceedings

179

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owing to the violent nature of a quarrel then existing
between Morvi and Malia, settlements were finally arrived
at, and the representatives of the British and Gaekwad's
Governments went on towards Nawanagar. Here the
first opportunity presented itself of showing the chiefs of
Kathiawad something of the methods which the British
government intended to use in relation to them. It
happened that when Jam Jasaji, on the death of Meraman
Khawas in a.d. 1800, for the first time became the master
of his State, he showed characteristics in comparison with
which the methods of Meraman Khawas were far prefer-
able. He began at once to oppress his people of every
class, not even sparing his brother Sataji, and encroached
upon his neighbours' territories whenever and wherever
possible. As a result he was soon on the worst terms with
all about him, and numbers of Jadeja kinsmen went into
outlawry against him, leaving their villages depopulated,
and attacking any part of Nawanagar territory where a
blow would be calculated to do most harm. Jadeja
Sataji fled to Jodia, and his request for help against his
tyrannical brother was among the most urgent of those
received by the British.

An instance of Jam Jasaji's policy is afforded by his
dealings with the Kathis. When Meraman Khawas had
died, Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan journeyed to Nawanagar
to congratulate the Jam on his assumption of his rightful
status. He presented his host with a Kathi mare, one
of a breed of horses for which the Kathis had long been
famous. The Jam, however, disapproved of the animal
and returned it to Wajsur Khachar after he had gone back
to Jasdan. The Kathi, being hurt, gave the mare away
to a char an, on hearing which the Jadeja declared he had
been insulted and prepared to march on Jasdan. Wajsur
Khachar accordingly began to make raids into Halar,
but the army from Nawanagar proved too powerful for
him and he fled to Limbdi, and thence to Bhavnagar.

180

PORBANDAR MAKRANIS REVOLT

The Jam burnt Jasdan and ravaged the surrounding
country, and Wajsur Khachar on making peace was
obliged to pay a heavy fine — ^receiving, however, from
the Jam an undertaking that he should not be molested
for eight years.

Shortly before Colonel Walker and the Maratha army
under Babaji Apaji reached Nawanagar territory, the
Makrani mercenaries of the Rana of Porbandar quarrelled
with a body of Arab soldiers in the service of the same
ruler. As a result of the dispute, the Makranis to the
number of eight hundred men suddenly left Porbandar
and seized the fort of Kandorna, some sixteen miles distant
towards the North- East. At first they declared they would
surrender the fort to the Rana when they had received
arrears of pay which they claimed. The Rana, being
anxious to avoid bloodshed, agreed to their demands, but
the Makranis then refused to accept the money, and
declared their intention of selling the fort to some other
chief for as high a price as they could command. Accord-
ingly in A.D. 1807 they approached Nawab Hamed Khan
of Junagadh, as being the most likely purchaser, asking in
return that they may be employed in his service. But
the Nawab rejected the offer, and the mutineers now
made the same proposal to Jam Jasaji. The Jam, con-
trary to all principle and custom, closed with the offer, and
paying over a sum of three lakhs of koris to the Makranis,
took possession of the fort.

Besides thus violating the unwritten laws of conduct
as between chiefs at peace with each other, he transgressed
the well-established rule to the effect that so long as the
Gaekwad's tribute-collecting forces (known as the Mulk-
giri army) remained in the peninsula, all acts of war as
between chiefs must be suspended, and any armies abroad
must retire to their forts, there to remain until the Marathas
had left the province. The Jam was therefore called
upon to surrender the fort, but he refused to comply with

181

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

the order, and on the contrary made preparations for
resistance. The Gaekwad's representative acted with
great restraint, and while the Maratha army and the small
British detachment accompanying it remained encamped
at Gatu, he and Colonel Walker made every effort to settle
the dispute peacefully. The disaffected Jadejas were
prevented by their influence from attacking the Jam,
which they were most anxious to do on seeing the strong
support they imagined they were likely to receive. Rana
Haloji promised that the whole of the money paid to the
Makranis would be given back on the surrender of the
fort, and even offered to cede an equivalent amount of
territory elsewhere. But these pacific proposals were met
by the Jam with a curt refusal ; and as a result Babaji
Apaji advanced with his forces to Jiwapur, eighteen miles
from Nawanagar.

Here the terms were repeated to the Jam with greater
force, but he still refused to entertain them in spite of
the fact that he could not hope to prove successful should
fighting ensue. He merely pleaded that he should be
allowed to retain what he had acquired, and that if he
had committed any offence it should be excused him.
In the ordinary course of events, the Maratha army would
now have laid waste the Jam's dominions and compelled
him to surrender ; but the Marathas had agreed to follow
the English policy of doing as little harm as possible while
collecting tribute, and this time another course was
decided upon. Realizing it would create a very bad
precedent to allow the Jam to retain his unlawfully pro-
cured gains with impunity, and actuated by the principles
above mentioned, Colonel Walker and Babaji Apaji
advanced against Kandorna, and in November a.d. 1807,
after two hours' fighting, captured the place, handing it
over to Rana Haloji, its rightful owner, on December 5
of the same year.

In view of the assistance rendered in recovering the

182

SETTLEMENT OF BHAVNAGAE.

fort for him, the Rana was called upon to pay a nazarana
of twenty thousand rupees, and a few days after the place
had been handed over, a settlement of the tribute due to
the Gaekwad from Porbandar was drawn up and signed
by all parties. It may here be remembered that Rana
Haloji had deposed his father, Rana Sultanji, in a.d. 1804
on account of the latter's inability to rule, and he acted
as Manager of the State on behalf of his father until
his death in a.d. 1812, predeceasing him by about one
year.

The settlement of the Bhavnagar affairs was now
undertaken, and here certain difficulties presented them-
selves, which were not finally overcome until a.d. 1816.
After the Treaty of Bassein in a.d. 1802, when the Peshwa
of Poena authorized the British Government to receive
Wakhatsinhji Gohel's tribute, the rights of the latter in
the districts of Dhandhuka, Gogha, and Ranpur became
a subject of dispute. While the British collected the
revenues, Wakhatsinhji was permitted to retain civil and
criminal jurisdiction over the three districts, and this
system of dual control was doomed to failure. Wakhat-
sinhji had cultivated terms of friendship with the British
Government, and realized to the full the security in the
undisputed possession of his territories and conquests he
was thereby afforded. But he resented stoutly the inter-
ference in the affairs of the three places which the terms
of the Treaty of Bassein rendered necessary. Nevertheless
he met in a friendly spirit the wishes of Colonel Walker
and the Gaekwad's Government and a settlement was
satisfactorily concluded.

Colonel Walker now proceeded to the permanent settle-
ment of the tribute due by Junagadh to the Marathas.
Matters were complicated here by the personal feelings
existing at the time between Raghunathji and the Dewan
of Baroda, Vithal Rao. Raghunathji was represented to
Colonel Walker as aspiring to overthrow the rule of the

183

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Nawab, and to take his place. Colonel Walker, however,
disbelieved the story and supported Raghunathji, enquiring
from the Nawab why the villages given to the family of
Amarji in a.d. 1784 had been subsequently re-appropriated
by him, although the Maratha general, Rupoji Sindhia,
had been a party to the arrangements made on that
occasion. Amarji's sons were living in Kutiana when
Colonel Walker came to Kathiawad, and were still dis-
possessed of their property, while the Nawab's Dewan
was one Rewashankar, who had accepted the post, and
held it, through the influence and support of Babaji Apaji.
After the settlement had been effected, a fine was imposed
on the Nawab for the plundering of some British ships
carrying wheat to Bombay by the pirates of Navi Bandar.

The Nawab offered no opposition to the scheme pro-
posed to him of fixing the amount of tribute to be paid
annually to the Marathas, and appreciated the advantages
to be obtained from a peaceful settlement. The past few
years of his rule had been a time of great disorder and
much fighting, and he welcomed the abolition of the annual
visitation of the Mulkgiri army, which inevitably brought
distress and suffering in its train.

By virtue of their positions as the representatives of
Moghal rule in Saurashtra, the Nawabs of Junagadh had
long been accustomed to make expeditions to collect
tribute on their own account. These collections had
usually resulted in their obtaining a sum of between two
and three lakhs of rupees on each occasion they were
undertaken, and by these means the Nawab's troops
were accustomed to be paid. This practice was now
discontinued, and the Nawab undertook to send no more
armies beyond his own territories. In retm:n he was to
receive a fixed sum annually, which the British and the
Gaekwad's Government undertook should be discharged
regularly.

The settlements of Rajkot, Gondal, Dhrol, and Nawa-

184

CONDITION OF THE KATHIS

nagar, together with those of the many smaller States
comprising Halar were next undertaken, after which
Colonel Walker moved into that central part of the
peninsula inhabited by the Kathis, properly known as
Kathiawad. As the Kathis had recently been severely
punished both by Jam Jasaji and by Wakhatsinhji Gohel,
and had called upon the British for aid, in no instance was
an exhibition of force necessary in arranging the settle-
ments regarding them, although they existed under so
many distinct chiefs. They had suffered greatly of late
years from both Rajputs and Marathas, and besides being
glad of the protection now offered them, they, in common
with all other people in Saurashtra, welcomed the prospect
of the discontinuance of the Maratha Mulkgiri system.

Colonel Walker found the Kathis in a very poor state
of prosperity. Originally a tribe of nomads, wandering
abroad throughout the peninsula, and possessing no
landed property they could rightly call their own, they
had gradually obtained from various Rajput rulers grants
of villages and lands as a price for not plundering the
remaining portions of their territories. Other portions
of the province they usurped, and in course of time they
became settled in those parts which were called after
them. Their chief towns were Than, Jasdan, Jetpur, and
Chital, and the last named they received from small
Rajput chieftains who stipulated only for the payment in
return of a fixed sum for their subsistence. Chital even-
tually became quite a commercial centre, as the result of
an incident whereby a trader set up a business in the
town. A wealthy hania at Amreli had been maltreated
and disgraced, and had fled to Chital, leaving his property
behind him. He there agreed with the Kathis to give
them one half of whatever they might recover for him,
and they, only too glad of an excuse for raiding, undertook
on these terms to get what they could. They raided
Amreli and recovered all the merchant's goods and money,

185

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

the sight of which made them covet the whole. They
thereupon decided to kill the bania so that they might
retain it, but one of their women reproached them for this
contemplated act of treachery and succeeded in inducing
them to abandon the idea. Instead, therefore, they
handed over to the bania the whole of his goods, and as
a result of their generosity and justice he decided to set
up in trade at Chital. The chiefs of this place now deter-
mined to abandon their predatory habits, and they began
to protect industry and merchants.

This new mode of life soon had its effect, and the
Kathis of Chital quickly gained a reputation for justice,
and for exertions in protecting their subjects in troublous
times. Soon afterwards Nawab Bahadur Khan of Juna-
gadh, approving of their reformation, presented them in
about A.D. 1760 with the towns of Mendarda, Bilkha, and
Jetpur, reserving only to himself the right of taking a
fourth part of the revenue of each place. In a.d. 1807
Chital afforded an unique instance of reformed Kathis.
The shareholders lived in harmony and unity, but the
prosperity of the place had not entirely recovered from
the effects of its fall to Wakhatsinhji of Bhavnagar in
A.D. 1793. The marriage customs of the Kathis were,
and are, entirely different from those of any other com-
munity inhabiting the peninsula. We have already seen
that they were divided into two classes — " Sakhayats,"
or those with property {i.e. the descendants of the Wala
Rajput Werawal who married originally the Kathi woman
Rupde), and " Awaratyas," or those Kathis not so
descended, and that the member of one of these classes
must always marry into the other. All thus live on terms
of complete equality.

Their laws of inheritance determine that all descendants
receive an equal share of the property of a dead man, with
perhaps a slight addition known as " Motap " in the case
of the eldest son. Thus all property quickly became split

186

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JAFRABAD'S UNUSUAL POSITION

up into small shares, and the result of these divisions is
that in many eases the descendants of a once wealthy
chief have become small holders of little or no importance.
In former days they lived almost entirely by plunder, and
frankly called themselves thieves. But the results of
Colonel Walker's settlement soon manifested itself, and
the Kathis finally settled down to a regular and orderly
existence. The various tributes due by the chiefs of
Saurashtra had now been completed, and in only two
cases was it found that tribute of no kind was paid. The
whole of Diu now belonged to the Portugese, who were
quite independent, and in like manner Jafrabad, the port
of Babriawad, some twenty miles East of Diu on the South
coast, owed nothing either to the Marathas or to the
Nawab of Junagadh.

Jafrabad — or more properly Muzafarabad, from the
name of its founder, Muzafar Shah, in a.d. 1575^s a
seaport town surrounded by a strong wall belonging to
the Nawab of Janjira, and famous for the fish known as
" Bombay Duck," which are annually caught in great
numbers off its coast. In a.d. 1807 Colonel Walker was
unable to ascertain how the fort and district came to be
independent. It is owned by Sidis, or Abyssinians, from
whom the present Nawab of Janjira is descended, and
who had established themselves in India some time diu-ing
the fifteenth century. Mahomedan pirates used the place
as a stronghold until conquered by Sidi Hilal of Surat,
who levied on the pirates a heavy fine, which they proved
unable to pay. They therefore sold Jafrabad to the Sidi,
who in his turn in a.d. 1762 sold the place to the Sidi
Nawab of Janjira, on accoimt of the unsettled condition of
affairs in Saurashtra. Sidi Hilal became a general in the
Nawab's service and remained at Jafrabad. The Sidis
became admirals of the Moghal fleet, and on the dissolu-
tion of the Mahomedan authority in Gujarat, themselves
took to piracy, for which purpose Jafrabad formed a

187

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

convenient base. By their courage and activity they had
succeeded in maintaining their independence and paid
tribute to none.

The immediate result of Colonel Walker's settlement
was that Kathiawad became blessed with peace such as
the peninsula had not enjoyed for very many years.
The most important feature was the cessation of the
annual march throughout the province of the Maratha
Mulkgiri army. This force, coming each year, played
more havoc than a flight of locusts would have done. Its
path was marked by spoliation and desolation, and it was
a fixed principle with the officer in command to get as
much money as possible out of the chiefs and people.
Inversely the chiefs endeavoiu*ed to pay as little as pos-
sible, and consequently no fixed standard of collection
was set, and the amount collected varied according to the
power and ability of the parties. As a result no remission
was ever allowed, but arrears were perforce permitted to
accumulate, although no commander was ever content
with less than his predecessor of the previous year had
collected. But revenue failed to increase, largely owing
to the presence of the collecting army itself, and arrears
mounted up to great proportions which most of the chiefs
could never hope to satisfy even had they wished. The
Maratha system of domination had proved a failure.

Colonel Walker remained in Kathiawad until a.d.
1809, when he left the province, but it was not imtil after
treaties made in a.d. 1817 and a.d. 1820 that the British
Government became the paramount power in the penin-
sula, and until a.d. 1822 it was governed by an officer
of the Gaekwad of Baroda, whose headquarters were at
Amreli. The consent of the Peshwa of Poona to the
permanent settlement had not been asked, and after the
lease of his rights, which he had made to the Gaekwad,
had expired, he refused to agree to its terms. By the
treaty of a.d. 1817, however, he ceded all his rights in

188

TRIBUTE TROUBLES ENDED

Kathiawad to the British Government, while in a.d. 1820
the Gaekwad agreed not to make any demands on the
province except through the British. The last vestige
of any independent authority disappeared two years later,
when the Nawab of Junagadh resigned into the hands of
the British the responsibility for collection of the tribute
due to him, surrendering one-quarter of the whole amoimt
to meet the expenses so incurred.

189

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CHAPTER XV

(a.d. 1808-1822)

While Colonel Walker was still in Kathiawad, disturbances
broke out in Porbandar, where Prathiraj, the son of Rana
Haloji, rebelled against his father and seized the fort at
Chhaya. All the efforts to dislodge him failed, and finally
the Rana asked aid from the British. A force was sent
to co-operate with him, and after a siege lasting for two
hours the fort of Chhaya fell and Prathiraj surrendered,
after having been wounded. His grandmother, who was
with him in the fort, when captured was found to be
wearing golden anklets, and the victors, greedy for spoil,
cruelly cut off her feet to procure them. Porbandar was
now placed under British protection and a detachment of
one hundred men was stationed in the fort for the protec-
tion of the Rana. The Rana ceded one-half of the revenue
of the port to the British, in return for which they advanced
him fifty thousand rupees, so that he might pay off a
portion of his debt to the Gaekwad's Government.

Nawab Hamed Khan of Junagadh died in a.d. 1811,
and was succeeded by his son, Bahadur Khan, who was
eighteen years of age and had been brought up at Patan,
whither, with his mother, he had been sent some years
before on account of a supposed attempt having been made
by her to set fire to the Nawab's palace at Junagadh.
Raghunathji was at this time at Kutiana, where he had
been living for the past seven years, and fearing so young
and inexperienced a Nawab might lead the State into
trouble at a particularly critical time, the principal men

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JAM JASAJI DEFEATED

of Junagadh besought Raghunathji once again to take up
the reins of office, which he consented to do, and he once
more became Dewan.

Although the capture of Kandorna fort by Colonel
Walker had humbled Jam Jasaji of Nawanagar and had
lowered his prestige in the eyes of the whole of Saurashtra,
he still refused to act reasonably. Both Jadeja Sataji,
his brother, and the Rao of Kachh, could get no satisfac-
tion of their just claims against him, and sought help from
the British and the Gaekwad. Matters came to a head
when one of the Jam's Arabs shot a British officer at Gop
and then fled to Modpur. A demand was made for his
surrender, but the Jam refused to deliver up the murderer.
Accordingly the combined armies under Captain Camac
and Fatehsinha Rao Gaekwad marched against Nawa-
nagar. For two days artillery bombarded the fort, with
such effect that the Rajputs gave way and wished to
surrender. The Jam was now obliged to sue for peace,
and on February 23, 1812, he agreed to surrender the
murderer, to destroy Modpur fort, to settle the claims of
Kachh, to provide maintenance for his brother Sataji
by handing over to him thirteen villages, to pay to the
Gaekwad succession nazarana of twenty-five thousand
rupees, and to perform certain other clauses of minor
importance.

As soon as the operations against Jam Jasaji were
concluded, the allied forces marched towards Junagadh
and encamped at Lalwad, a distance of about eight miles
from the town. Captain Carnac and Fatehsinha Rao
Gaekwad now demanded from the young Nawab the
nazarana due on his succeeding his father. The Nawab
and Dewan Raghunathji contemplated resisting, and made
preparations for defence, but peaceful measures ultimately
prevailed, and Raghunathji accompanied the British and
the Gaekwad' s representatives to Amreli, there to arrange
the matter in question. The enemies of the Dewan now

191

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

persuaded the Nawab that he was about to make some
agreement to the prejudice of the State, and the Nawab
accordingly wrote to Amreli asking for the negotiations
to be cancelled and stating that he would agree to what-
ever were necessary. Raghunathji, who had pledged
himiself to hand over some villages, now returned to
Junagadh, where he learnt that land would on no account
be handed over, but there would be no objection on the
part of the Nawab to paying nazarana in cash. Raghu-
nathji, accordingly, seeing his position in the matter to be
impossible, resigned the Dewanship and retired to Kutiana.

No sooner was the Nawab's able minister out of power,
when Dewan Vithal Rao of Baroda, by means of making
large bribes in well-considered quarters, procured from
the young Nawab a deed consigning the districts of Amreli
and Kodinar to the Gaekwad. This obtained, Amreli
fort was strongly rebuilt, and both places became a very
fruitful source of revenue to the Baroda State.

In the following year, a.d. 1813, Fateh Mahomed from
Kachh made his final descent upon Halar. Collecting a
large army he crossed the Rann, and on hearing news of
his arrival Jam Jasaji became seriously perturbed. He
called on Raghunathji for aid, who despatched his brother
Ranchodji with three hundred men and one gun to
Nawanagar. Fateh Mahomed had not yet penetrated
far into the peninsula, and the Nawanagar army took up
a position at Hadiana under the command of Gajsinhji
Jhala and Gokal Khawas. The two latter did not work
in agreement with Ranchodji, and the latter on his own
account attacked the army of the Rao by night. His
astonishment was great when a flag of truce was displayed
by Sundarji Shavji, the British native Agent, who had
been to Kachh to buy horses, and who now produced a
letter from Captain Carnac enjoining the cessation of
hostilities. A truce for three days was concluded, and
Fateh Mahomed agreed meanwhile to restore everything

192

PLAGUE AND FAMINE

plundered and to pay compensation for everything burnt.
But he proved faithless to his word, and before the three
days had elapsed fled with his army and crossed the Rann,
hotly pursued by the Nawanagar forces, who succeeded
in capturing the whole of his baggage. The next day a
force of British and the Gaekwad's troops arrived under
Colonel Crutchley, who crossed the Rann and pmrsued the
Kachh army as far as Kotara, after which they returned.
Fateh Mahomed died shortly afterwards, and in the
following year Jam Jasaji also died, being succeeded in
Nawanagar by his brother Sataji, who had for some time
been living luider the protection of the British and the
Gaekwad at Amreli.

Kathiawad was devastated by famine through want of
rain in a.d. 1813, which disaster was put down to a comet
being seen for nearly four months earlier in the year ;
while in a.d. 1814 an epidemic of some unknown nature
attacked the province, of which many people died. The
chroniclers of the time describe this mysterious malady
as a pestilence, but there can be little doubt that plague,
possibly for the first time, made its appearance within
the peninsula.

Intrigue now began to play a large part in guiding the
affairs of Kathiawad, and two rival parties appear to
have come into existence, the one supporting Dewan
Raghunathji, and the other favouring his enemy, Dewan
Vithal Rao of Baroda. Sundarji Shavji, the British native
Agent, and an influential person under the conditions
then pervading the province, was a partisan of Dewan
Vithal Rao. Feeling between the two parties ran high,
each trying hard to effect the downfall of the other. Thus
it happened that in a.d. 1815 an officer in the employ of
Nawab Bahadiu* Khan, by name Jamadar Mukhasam,
who was an adherent of Dewan Vithal Rao, entered one
day the Rang Mahal palace at Junagadh, and attempted
to lay violent hands on the Nawab. Before any harm

193 N

-"Iff

npincmntnR

ujiii.HP.4.pHiipippiPiiipni^^

111 r

lit:

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

could be done, however, Jamadars Salim and Hasan, two
attendants who happened to be present, interposed, and
Umar Mukhasam was driven out of the palace, fortunate
to escape with his life. He retired to his house, where he
took up an attitude of threatening defiance. The Nawab
now began to fear that he might be joined by other dis-
affected persons, and so called upon Raghunathji for aid.
Shortly afterwards Ranchodji, the latter's brother, was
sent to Captain Ballantyne to obtain aid from the British,
and a force under Colonel Aston at once marched to
Junagadh.

Seeing the British troops and two guns preparing to
storm his house, Umar Mukhasam surrendered, and was
expelled from Junagadh with ignominy. Captain Ballan-
tyne now negotiated with the Nawab, with the result that
the villages of Timbdi and Piplia were handed over to
the Jamadar, together with a large sum of money, in
payment of debts due to him. The Nawab also consented
to reappoint Raghunathji as Dewan, and to make the
appointment an hereditary one for the members of Dewan
Amarji's family. This was in a.d. 1816, and in the
following year the Nawab, out of gratitude for the help
given in his difficulties with Umar Mukhasam, agreed to
waive for ever any right to tribute from Dhandhuka,
Ranpur, and Gogha, which factor tended in a great measure
to lessen the friction and difficulty the administration of
these three districts occasioned. The rights of civil and
criminal jurisdiction over them, which had been allowed
to remain with Wakhatsinhji of Bhavnagar after the
Treaty of Bassein in a.d. 1802, had recently been resumed
by the British Government under somewhat exceptional
circumstances.

During the famine of a.d. 1814 some low-caste people
in Bhavnagar territory killed and ate a cow, a grave
offence in the eyes of a Hindu. Wakhatsinhji heard of
this circumstance, and immediately had the offenders

194

DEATH OF WAKHATSINHJI GOHEL

imprisoned — subsequently, on the advice of his Ministers,
causing them to be put to death. The facts of the case
became known to the British Government, who considered
that Wakhatsinhji acted contrary to all principles of
morality in considering that for the death of a cow several
men should suffer the heaviest penalty it is possible to
inflict, especially since the time was one of acute famine,
when starvation was causing many deaths throughout
the province. They therefore decided that an example
should be made, with the result shown above. Wakhat-
sinhji never recovered from the blow occasioned by this
loss of power, and being an old man it doubtless had the
effect of hastening his end. He died in the same year,
at the age of sixty-eight. He was succeeded in Bhavnagar
by his son Wajesinhji, who had had already four years'
experience in the administration of the State, which had
been virtually entrusted to him in a.d. 1812.

The death of Wakhatsinhji Gohel removed from
Kathiawad one of the most famous men that ancient
country has produced. Of an active and ambitious nature,
combined with prudence and sagacity, he began almost
from the day he assumed the administration of his State
to make himself as powerful as possible. He rightly
discerned that the Kathiawad of those times was no place
for any but the strong. He saw around him many
evidences of the misfortunes of the weak at the hands of
the more powerful, and he determined that the territories
to which he had succeeded should not be allowed to
diminish in size and that he would make himself sufficiently
strong to protect and hold them against aggressors. The
signs of the times were not lost on him, and he was not
slow to cultivate friendship with the British, whom he
aided greatly by his efforts in putting down piracy, the
common enemy of both. His ambitions often overruled
his better nature, and considerations of honour and justice
were often forced to take a secondary place before self-

195

!'■ !'

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

interest and the ensuring of success to his schemes. Having
engaged in any undertaking, he pursued it with vigour,
and persevered in it to the end, never permitting himself
to be shaken from his resolve. At the same time, while
allowing nothing to stand in his way, he was not over-
scrupulous in his employment of force, intrigue, or artifice
to accomplish his ends. He was feared and respected by
all around him, and by his death the Bhavnagar State
lost a strong ruler, who had raised it in status and
importance until it occupied a commanding position in
Kathiawad affairs.

When Jam Sataji succeeded his brother in Nawanagar,
he was incapable of ruling on account of his indulgence
in opium, and Jam Jasaji had arranged that after his
death one Jagjiwan Devji should manage the affairs of
the State. This plan, however, did not quite suit Rani
Achhuba, widow of Jam Jasaji, and she induced Jagjiwan
Devji's rival, named Motiram Buch, to stir up rebellion.
This man succeeded in his designs, and the Arab soldiers
from Maskat, who garrisoned the forts of Kandoma and
Pardhari, revolted and created much devastation. Jagji-
wan now appealed to the British and the Gaekwad's
Government for aid, and on the Jam agreeing to pay the
expenses of the expedition, a force of about one thousand
men proceeded against Kandorna. The Arabs issued from
the fort to meet their enemies in the open hand to hand,
but they were no match for disciplined troops and were
driven back with loss and in confusion. The fort sur-
rendered, as also did Pardhari, which place the army
next attacked. The Arabs fled to Jodia and the two
places were handed over to the Jam.

At Jodia the Arabs sought and obtained protection
from Sangram Khawas ; and the Jam, who cherished a
grudge against this man, asked the British to march
against him for thus sheltering the Arabs. A force under
Colonel East was therefore detached to proceed against

196

wmimmKmm

•i

A BRITISH AGENCY AT RAJKOT

Jodia, at which place it arrived about the middle of the
rainy season. On seeing the force arrayed against him,
Sangram Khawas lost heart and came out pale and
trembling to ask for quarter. He surrendered the fort
with all its artillery and ammunition, and also his own
baggage. He himself was escorted to Morvi, and after-
wards arrangements were made whereby he was to receive
Amran for his maintenance. Sundarji Shavji, the British
Agent, was then given Balambha and Jodia districts in
farm for eight years, agreeing to pay to the British and
the Gaekwad the instalments of the sum promised by
the Jam for the aid they had recently given him.

Sundarji Shavji now aspired to the Dewanship of
Junagadh, and by way of preparing a path for himself,
succeeded in placing Dewan Raghunathji in an unfavour-
able light before the Nawab. He promised that were he
himself Dewan, he would recover Upleta and Dhoraji for
Junagadh, and also Mangrol and Wadasinor (Balasinor)
in Gujarat, which was in the possession of a branch of the
Babi family. The British Government supported Sun-
darji, and eventually he succeeded in being appointed
Dewan in a.d. 1818, much to the disgust of Raghunathji,
whose whole-hearted enmity he thus earned. But Raghu-
nathji was permitted little time for indulging in coimter-
intrigue, for in the following year he died.

On June 16, a.d. 1819, Kathiawad experienced
a most severe earthquake, which caused much alarm.
Porbandar, Morvi, and Amran suffered extensively,
many houses being destroyed and many deaths thereby
occurring.

Captain Barnewall was appointed to be the first
Political Agent sent to Kathiawad to represent the British
Government on the establishment of an Agency at Rajkot
in A.D. 1820, following on the Gaekwad of Baroda's
agreement that year to make no demands on the Kathiawad
chiefs except through the British. Colonel Walker's

197

THE HISTORY OP KATHIAWAD

!lr

[i I

settlement now bore fruit, and the British assumed the
general administration of the province, while they under-
took to collect and pay annually the sums due from the
tribute-paying chiefs to the Marathas. Thus passed away
the last vestige of direct Maratha sway over the penin-
sula, although an officer of the Gaekwad's Government
resided at Amreli in nominal charge of the province for
two years longer.

On the death of Jam Sataji of Nawanagar in a.d. 1820
he had no heir and was succeeded by Jam Ranmalji, son
of Jade j a Jasaji of Bhanwad and adopted son of Jam
Jasaji. But Bai Achhuba instigated one Jamadar Fakir
Mahomed to attempt what Meraman Khawas had so
successfully accomplished, and to relegate the Jam to the
background, himself carrying on the administration. The
young Jam, however, strongly resented this procedure,
and expelled Fakir Mahomed from Nawanagar, making it
quite clear to all that he intended to administer his State
without interference. He was an intrepid hunter, and
not at all a man to be trifled with.

The Kathis now began again to tire of the, to them,
strange and peaceful existence which they had enjoyed
since Colonel Walker entered the peninsula in a.d. 1807,
and to appease their hunger for fighting they attacked
Bhavnagar territory. The death of Wakhatsinhji in
A.D. 1816 had removed the strong hand they feared, and
in A.D. 1820 the Khuman Kathis of Kundla, under Hada
Khuman,burnt Babariadhar and Barbatana, and plundered
Mitiala and Nesri. The commander of the Bhavnagar
troops at Kundla, hearing of their exploit, and being
joined by detachments from Amreli and Lathi, marched
against the Kathis, who, however, succeeded in evading
him and in reaching the refuge of the Gir Forest. Ghela
Khuman, the son of Hada Khuman, was sufficiently
unfortunate to get cut off, and sought shelter at Amba,
The Lathi detachment pursued him here, and in the fight

198

(■:'

\ V.

COMBINED ACTION AGAINST KATHIS

which ensued he was shot. For this reason the Kathis
will not to this day drink water in Lathi territory.

On hearing the news of the death of his son, Hada
Khuman planned an attack on Wanda, a village in the
Kundla district. In a.d. 1821 the Kathis raided Wanda,
but while endeavouring to reach the Gir Forest with their
plunder, they were overtaken near Dedan by a force from
Kundla under the command of Kala Bhati, and being
defeated in the fight which ensued, abandoned their
booty and sought refuge in flight. But Mansur Khuman,
son of Jogidas Khuman, was killed by a musket-ball, and
his brother Lakha was wounded, and smarting at their
reverse and losses, they returned to their depredations in
Bhavnagar territory with greater obstinacy and fury
than before. The coimtry became so disturbed, that in
A.D. 1822 the Political Agent, Captain Barnewall, marched
to Amreli with a force and called upon Wajesinhji Gohel
and all other neighbouring chiefs to meet him. He
earnestly asked for the co-operation of all in hunting out
and exterminating the outlaws — ^known generally as
** Baharwatia," from the two words Bahar, outside, and
wat, a road, indicating action of an improper nature
— and offered all assistance in his power to enable them
to preserve peace and punish the offenders.

Wajesinhji thereupon proceeded to Kundla, to make
plans from there as to the line of action to be taken by
him for rounding up the aggressors, and while there he
discovered that the Khumans were being aided and
abetted by the Wala Kathis of Chital and Jetpur. On
learning this fact, he communicated it to Captain Barne-
wall, who called the Wala leaders to his presence and
demanded to know the truth of the accusation. They
strenuously denied that they were at all concerned in the
raids of the Khumans, but were forced to give security
against aiding them in the future.

Scarcely had these measures been undertaken, when

199

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

|i :

the Khumans raided Junwadar, a Bhavnagar village, and
carried away a number of cattle. They were at once
pursued, and eventually were found to have taken refuge
in the villages of Gugarala and Walardi, belonging to the
Jetpur Kathis. This information was despatched to
Wajesinhji, who immediately sent a strong force from
Kundla to effect their capture. At daybreak next day
the force had covered the thirty-six miles which lay
between Kundla and Walardi, and surprising the village,
succeeded in capturing Jogidas Khuman's two sons,
Harsur and Golan, and his daughter, Kamribai. The
force at once after this marched to Gugarala, but they
were too late, and when they arrived there it was found
that all the Kathis had left the village excepting Hada
Khuman, who refused to surrender. He was thereupon
killed and his head sent to Wajesinhji, who at once sent
information to Captain Barnewall of the success of his
troops and of the detention of his two important prisoners
at Kundla. Proof of complicity on the part of the Jetpur
Kathis was now not wanting, and Captain Barnewall sent
for Mulu Wala and the other shareholders and put them
in prison, placing Jetpur under attachment and appointing
Shewakram Bhawanishankar to administer it. Shortly
afterwards the imprisoned Kathis asked to be released,
and Captain Barnewall agreed to do so on the under-
standing that they captured and handed over to Waje-
sinhji Gohel all the Khumans who still remained in out-
lawry. Wikamshi Wala of Jetpur, Chela Khachar of
Jasdan, Bhan Khachar of Bhadli, Harsur Wala of Bagasra,
and Danta Kotila of Dedan, with one or two more, were
retained as hostages, and the rest on being set free
proceeded against the Khumans. After being engaged
in pursuing the fugitives for a short time they captured
Jogidas Khuman and six of his relations, all of whom were
ringleaders in the outlawry. These were all handed over
to Captain Barnewall and lodged by him in prison.

200

KOLIS PLUNDER DHRANGADHRA

Eventually they were all — ^with the exception of two
who had died meanwhile in jail — handed over to the
Jetpur chiefs' hostages, who took them to Bhavnagar in
A.D. 1824. Negotiations were now opened with Waje-
sinhji, but no satisfactory arrangement could be arrived
at between the parties, and finally the hostages took
the captured Khumans with them and returned to their
villages.

The result of this hesitation and vacillation on the
part of Wajesinhji was that at the end of the year the
Kathis again went into outlawry and attacked Jesar, a
Bhavnagar village. The troops at Mahuva and Kundla
at once started off in piursuit of the marauders and came
up with them at Mitiala, where Champa Khuman was
killed. But the rest escaped to the Gir Forest, and the
Bhavnagar troops were obliged to retinrn.

Meanwhile fighting had been going on in the North
of the peninsula, the Kolis from Kachh having crossed
the Rann in a.d. 1821 and invaded and plundered the
Northern part of Dhrangadhra. Amarsinhji Jhala
appealed to the British, and asked for compensation from
the Rao of Kachh. Captain McMurdo, of the 7th Bombay
Infantry, was sent with a detachment of troops to exact
compensation, as the Rao's control over the Kolis was
little more than nominal. Finally the Rao himself was
obliged to pay about two lakhs of rupees to cover the
damage done by his lawless subjects. In a.d. 1821 also
part of the district of Jhinjhuwada, which had been
conquered by Amarsinhji seven years before, was taken
out of Kathiawad and has since formed a part of the
British CoUectorate of Ahmadabad. Inability to pay
arrears of tribute had resulted in a.d. 1816 in its admini-
stration being taken over by the Gaekwad's Government,
and it did not again revert to the Dhangadhra State.

While the Khuman Kathis were occupying the atten-
tion of Bhavnagar, an outrage on a British officer was

201

!
■I

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

committed in a.d. 1822 by a Wala Kathi outlaw in the
Gir Forest named Bawa Raning. Captain Grant, an
officer of the Indian Navy, had been appointed in a.d. 1813
to the command of a naval force that was formed by the
Gaekwad of Baroda for the suppression of pirates on the
coasts of Kathiawad and Kachh. In a.d. 1820 this naval
force was abolished, as the piracy had been so reduced
that it was not considered necessary to maintain it any
longer, and Captain Grant was then directed to proceed
to Amreli and there hand over the charge of the fleet to
the Gaekwad's representative. He landed at Diu, and
was proceeding inland with a small escort when Bawa
Wala with thirty-five other Kathis attacked him. Being
armed only with a riding-whip he was unable to make
any effectual resistance, and after a sowar had been killed
and a clerk severely wounded, he was captiu'ed. Bawa
Wala now came up, and Captain Grant was ordered to
dismount. After a short discussion he was told to mount
again, and the whole band galloped with him into the
forest, where he was kept a prisoner for two and a half
months. He was guarded day and night, and was per-
mitted no chance of escaping. The rainy season was at
its height, but except on one or two occasions when
shelter was obtained in a friendly village the whole time
was spent in the open.

Captain Grant's pitiable case came to the ears of the
Political Agent, who at once took steps through the
Nawab of Junagadh to effect his release. It appeared
that Bawa Wala had been forcibly dispossessed of his lands
by another Kathi more powerful than he, and had become
a " Baharwatia " in consequence. The Nawab induced
the other Kathi to restore his lands to Bawa Wala, who
released Captain Grant on thus obtaining his object.
When found, he was wandering in a field at night in a state
of delirium, covered with vermin, and severely ill with
ague and fever caused by exposure and fatigue. Bawa

202

LIFE AMONG THE OUTLAWS

Wala was shortly afterwards, in a.d. 1824, killed in a
fight at Visawadar with another Kathi chief named
Harsur Wala, with whom he had long been at enmity,
when he became a popular hero with the Kathi bards.

Captain Grant's captivity among the " Baharwatias "
brought to light the conditions rnider which they lived.
They held life very cheaply, and while with the inhabitants
of friendly villages they behaved with propriety, with
those of villages not well disposed towards them they
carried on an intermittent warfare. One of their customs
was to ride up unexpectedly to the gates of such villages
and to cut off with a stroke of the sword the heads of
children at play, riding away before they could be over-
taken. Their chief boast was concerning the number of
men they had killed, and their practice was to cut off the
heads of their victims so as to make quite certain that
life was extinct. For food they ate such grains as they
could procure, and milk when they could get it. At
night each man slept with the halter of his horse tied to
his arm, and on the approach of danger a tug from the
horse awoke his master, who was instantly ready for flight
or fighting. When they had captured a rich traveller, their
method of extracting ransom-money was to tie him by his legs
to a beam across a well, with his head touching the water,
and then to saw at the securing rope until the demand
was agreed to. The victim was taken up, and one of
their number was sent to an agent on whom a bill for
the ransom-money was made out. Until this money had
been obtained the imfortimate prisoner was not allowed
to depart.

In A.D. 1822 Simdarji Shavji died, and the Nawab
expelled his son from Jimagadh on account of his dis-
satisfaction at the promised recovery of Dhoraji, Upleta,
and Wadasinor not having been effected.

The peaceful condition of affairs now generally preva-
lent left the undisciplined soldiery of the States with little

203

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

occupation, and those of Junagadh sought to add interest
to their existence by undertaking minor plundering expe-
ditions against towns and villages of neighbouring chiefs.
Finally these incursions became so troublesome that in
A.D. 1824 troops were despatched to Junagadh under
Captain Wilson, to enforce payment of compensation to
the injured States and to obtain assurances that for the
future such forays would be prevented. The force
remained encamped near Junagadh for more than two
months, until finally the Nawab agreed to the terms
imposed upon him.

204

CHAPTER XVI

(a.d. 1822-1869)

The Kathi marauders of Gohelwad never knew when
they were beaten, and after each reverse they retired to
the inaccessible fastnesses of the Gir Forest, issuing forth
on some marauding expedition when the opportunity for
doing so with impunity presented itself. In a.d. 1825 a
famine of unusual severity occurred all over the penin-
sula, the cattle in particular suffering from the want of
fodder. As a result the Kathi outlaws of the Gir were
compelled to undertake a foraging expedition, and in the
following year fell upon the villages of Dharuka and Piprali,
in Bhavnagar territory, and drove away all the cattle
they could find. Wajesinhji, on hearing of this raid, at
once set out from Sihor in pursuit, and at the village of
Kanad overtook the Khumans, who were obliged to flee
for their lives, leaving the stolen cattle behind them.
Kandhoji Gohel of Palitana was anxious to give shelter
to the fugitives, but Wajesinhji followed them up so
closely that he was unable to do so, and the Kathis made
for the Gir.

Captain Barnewall promised compensation to Waje-
sinhji for his losses from the Kathi hostages, and the
Bhavnagar chief saw no reason under the circumstances
for coming to some arrangement with the Kathis on other
than his own terms. Jogidas Khuman now determined
to plunder Bhavnagar town, and proceeded to Palitana,
where he collected a large force consisting mainly of
outlaws against the Junagadh and Bhavnagar States,

205

v.\

Bit I '

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

among whom were Oghad Wala and Matra Wala of
Halaria. Kandhoji Gohel gave substantial aid both in
men and supplies. When a sufficient force had been
collected, he marched on Nagdhaniba village, which he
burnt. But dismissing his first intention, he now turned
back and contented himself with plundering all the
villages in his path, and with destroying all the crops.
Wajesinhji at once despatched mounted troops to Palitana
to cut off the Kathis should they endeavour to regain
that place, while with a force of four hundred men he
followed himself the Kathi raiders, coming up with them
near Timana, on the bank of the Shatrunji River. Here
a pitched battle took place in which the Kathis were
worsted, but following their usual tactics the survivors
split up and made their way to the Gir, there to prepare
for their next foray.

Jogidas Khuman did not remain long idle in the forest,
and after a lapse of some months he again issued forth
with his band and fell upon Haliad. Again a force was
despatched from Sihor to endeavour to effect his capture,
but once more without success. The Bhavnagar troops
overtook the Kathis near Samiadhiala, but did not even
succeed in preventing them from carrying off their pliuider
to the Gir. Later, in a.d. 1827, the Khumans once more
raided Bhavnagar territory, encouraged by the success
of their previous enterprise earlier in the year. They
plundered Dihor and defeated the garrison stationed
there, but they were afterwards beaten by troops sent
from Tana, who came up with them and drove them to
seek shelter in Palitana after a hard-fought fight.

These successive raids had proved very trying for
Wajesinhji, who now began to wish sincerely for peace.
He therefore sent emissaries to the Kathis to say that
he would once more discuss terms with them if they came
to Bhavnagar, which proposal they agreed to. After the
lapse of nearly a year spent in negotiations, terms of

206

SADUL KHASIA, OUTLAW

peace were drawn up in a.d. 1829 whereby the Kathis
agreed to surrender shares in the villages of Nesri, Jira,
Vijpuri, Bhamodra, Mitiala, Ambaldi, and Dolti by way
of compensation for the damage they had done. These
terms were submitted to the Government of Bombay by
Mr. Blane, who had succeeded Captain Barnewall as
Political Agent in the previous year, and were approved.

But even now peace was not permanently assured.
After a lapse of seven years Sadul Khasia of Monpur,
whose principal associates were outlaws and highway
robbers, attacked the Shrawak temples on the Shatrunjaya
Hill at Palitana and carried off a certain amount of
plunder. The Palitana State and the Shrawak com-
munity complained to the British Agency, and asked that
Bhavnagar should be obliged either to pay compensation
or to hand over the offenders, since they were subject to
Wajesinhji. The Political Agent agreed this was fair,
and requested the Bhavnagar State to comply with one
or other of its terms. To enforce the demand, he levied
a mohsal, or fine, on the State, upon which Wajesinhji
fined Sadul Khasia. Champraj Wala of Charkha, who
was " out " against the Gaekwad's Amreli Mahal, hap-
pened at the time to be staying with Sadul Khasia, and
incited his host to imitate himself and never to submit
to oppression of this nature. As a further inducement
he held out the hope of recovering Mahuva, should his
tactics prove successful.

Sadul Khasia, lured by the hope of prospective gain,
and tempted by the idea of leading an outlaw's life, fell
in with the plan with alacrity, and joined his friend with
a band of his men. Their first exploit was to steal a
number of horses belonging to Wajesinhji at Talaja,
after killing those who were looking after the animals.
They then attempted to gain the shelter of the Gir Forest,
and on their way happened to pass by the village of Jhabal,
It happened that Oghad and Wajsur Khuman of Bhamo-

207

I ;;?

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

dra, who had recently made peace with Bhavnagar, were
paying a visit to Jhabal at the time, and after Sadul
Khasia had arrived with his booty, a swift messenger was
sent with the news to Kundla. The Khumans of Kundla,
ever ready for fighting no matter who the enemy might
be, prepared at once to pursue the outlaws, and were
joined by the Kundla garrison.

Eventually Sadul Khasia was surrounded on the
Nandivelo Hill in the South-East of the Gir, but he managed
to escape in the confusion that ensued, though with the
loss of his plundered horses. As he still remained at large,
and none believed he would remain quietly in the forest
for long, Wajesinhji collected troops to take against him
as soon as he would appear in the open. But the outlaw
completely outwitted his pursuers, and suddenly leaving
the shelter of the Gir burnt the village of Konjli near
Mahuva, and with such plunder as he could collect returned
to his hiding-place. Wajesinhji now decided to destroy
Monpur, Sadul Khasia's home under ordinary conditions,
and a large army was placed under two of his sons, Bhav-
sinhji and Narsinhji. They proceeded to Monpur, where
they destroyed the outlaw's house and the fort, and
after leaving parties of men at various places on the road
in case of attack, returned to Bhavnagar.

Sadul Khasia was not slow to take revenge for the
destruction of his ancestral home, and in a.d. 1838 he
emerged and plundered Depla village, returning in safety
to the Gir with his booty. Not long afterwards he
repeated this performance in an attack upon Waral. As
this village was set apart for the maintenance of Waje-
sinhji's eldest son, Bhavsinhji, Sadul Khasia intended to
bum it to the ground. But he found himself, on account
of losses sustained in capturing the village, unable to
carry out his intention, though he succeeded in doing a
good deal of damage and in retiring to his retreat in the
forest in safety.

208

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re

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id
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e,

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w

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id
id

o
a

Vachhani Ladhubhai on his Charger,
fully armoured.

Vala Jaghabhai and Devani Kikabhai
with Party.

Vachhani Tejabhai and Vachhani Rasabhai.
Types of Heavy Cavalry.

L.:^. m

Saleh Jamadar's Arabs, ^vith a
Gun-Carriage.

Types of Sihore Dasadia Cavalr>-.

FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR.

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

'■■ >

Sadul Khasia was not slow to take revenge for the
destruction of his ancestral home, and in a.d. 1838 he
emerged and plundered Depla village, returning in safety
to the Gir with his booty. Not long afterwards he
repeated this performance in an attack upon Waral. As
this village was set apart for the maintenance of Waje-
sinhji's eldest son, Bhavsinhji, Sadul Khasia intended to
burn it to the ground. But he found himself, on account
of losses sustained in capturing the village, unable to
carry out his intention, though he succeeded in doing a
good deal of damage and in retiring to his retreat in the
forest in safety.

208

Vachhani Ladhubhai on his Charger,
fully armoured.

Vala Jaghabhai and Devani Kikabhai
with Party.

Vachhani Tejabhai and Vachhani Rasabhai.
Types of Heavy Cavalry.

Saleh Jamadar's Arabs, with a
Gun-Carriage.

Types of Sihore Dasadia Cavalry.

FROM FRESCOES IN THE PALACE AT SIHOR.

IJ.^

OUTLAWRY NOW DANGEROUS

Wajesinhji now lodged a complaint with the Political
Agent to the effect that when in the Gir, Sadul Khasia
obtained shelter from the Junagadh State. The charge
was denied, but in a.d. 1840 the outlaw was captured in
a Koli's house at Motha, a village in the Una district
under Junagadh, whence he was taken to Bhavnagar.
He was then surrendered to the Political Agent, who tried
him and sentenced him to ten years' rigorous imprison-
ment, which he was sent to undergo at the Ahmadabad
jail. The Bhavnagar State resumed all his possessions
excepting the villages of Jambura and Chura, from which
his two sons were to be maintained, and it was decided
that Monpur should be handed back to him for the
remainder of his life, should he survive his imprisonment.
The stout-hearted outlaw did survive, and afterwards
returned to Monpur to pass his remaining years in peace.

Champraj Wala, who had shot an officer of the 15th
Bombay Infantry, was also captured in a.d. 1837, and
suffered the penalty for his misdeeds, being sentenced to
imprisonment for life. Champraj Wala was a noted
opium-eater, and while in prison had to be kept alive by
the administration of large doses of the drug, it being
found necessary to increase the doses until each totalled
seventy grains. His habitual dose when free had been
about the size of a large pigeon's egg !

Sadul Khasia was the last of the picturesque outlaws
who haunted the Gir Forest. The attractions of becoming
" Baharwatia " had greatly diminished since the estab-
lishment of the British authority within the peninsula,
and the prospect of a long period spent in prison when
captured compared too unfavourably with the prospect
of fighting and wealth in former times to make the " recrea-
tion " one worthy of pursuit. Still Sadul Khasia was
by no means the last outlaw, but he was the last of the
fearless freebooters who was able to range far and wide
before the establishment of police and other hindrances

?09 Q

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

rendered the amusement of outlawry impossible of pursuit
for any appreciable length of time.

Peaceful conditions had now become fairly firmly
established throughout the peninsula, and the calm was
only occasionally broken by misguided or dissatisfied men
who went into outlawry fired by the exploits of Bawa
Raning and Sadul Khasia. But their misused freedom
was short-lived, for the States and altered conditions made
a long revolt against authority an impossibility. These
outlaws may be divided into three classes : firstly, Kathis
and others, who used the Gir Forest as a place of refuge ;
secondly, Waghers of Okhamandal, who found the Barda
Hill convenient to hide in ; and thirdly, the ever trouble-
some Mianas of Malia. The first-named were finally
disposed of after the capture of Sadul Khasia, and it was
the other two classes who at different times subsequently
endeavoured to pursue their tactics.

The Waghers of Okhamandal had always been a race
of robbers, and their depredations by sea and the punish-
ment they received at various times have before been
referred to. With the abolition of piracy, those whose
instincts led them to hanker after the mode of life of their
ancestors were obliged to become highwaymen. Their
bravery had always been unquestioned, and they were
filled with that kind of honour which led Sewa Wadhel,
Raja of Jagat, to sacrifice his life in defence of his guest,
Muzafar Shah, when in a.d. 1592 that unfortunate man
was being hunted by the army sent to capture him under
Nauroz Khan. It was in a.d. 1802 that English ships
first attacked their fortress on Shankhodhar Island, but
though troops were landed and an assault was made by
land, they were unable to enter the fort and were obliged
to content themselves with burning all the pirates' ships
along the Okhamandal coast. Four years later English
troops were more successful in an attack on Positra, and
that fort was conquered by Colonel Walker and destroyed.

210

THE WAGHER OUTLAWS

In A.D. 1820 the Waghers rose and expelled the English
officer who had two years previously been posted at
Dwarka to assist the Gaekwad of Baroda's representative
in keeping order. This outrage could not go impunished,
and a few months afterwards a powerful British force
operating against the Waghers stormed Dwarka. In the
fighting many of the leading Waghers were killed, including
Mulu Manik and about two hundred and fifty of his tribe.
A garrison was left in Dwarka, but soon afterwards it
was removed, and the Okha district handed over to the
Gaekwad of Baroda, who garrisoned the coimtry with a
force of two hundred Arabs under a Baroda State official.

Widha Manik, one of the Dwarka Waghers, joined by
a Rabari named Rudo, went into outlawry in a.d. 1847,
and on February 2 of the following year shot Lieutenant
George Loch, of the 2nd Bombay Light Cavalry, between
Jursall and Ranawao as he was journeying to Porbandar
to proceed on leave to England. The outlaws were
vigorously pursued by the States of Nawanagar and
Porbandar, and in a.d. 1849 Rudo was captured, while
Widha Manik finding it impossible to live as a closely
hunted man, surrendered shortly afterwards, when he
was tried and sentenced by the Political Agent at Rajkot.

Mahuva again became a seat of trouble in a.d. 1851,
when some of the Arab troops of Wajesinhji seized the
town and refused to surrender until their claims for arrears
of pay should be satisfied. On the advice of the Political
Agent, Colonel Lang, they finally evacuated the fort and
an agreement was passed with Bhavnagar State whereby
their just claims were recognized, and the rebellion
ceased.

Nawab Hamed Khan II of Junagadh, who had suc-
ceeded his father in a.d. 1840, died of consumption in
A.D. 1851 at the early age of twenty-three. His brother,
Mahomed Mahabat Khan, who was only fourteen years
of age and was living at the time at Radhanpur, now

211

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1 1
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iiPl

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: #1! ;

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

became Nawab, but on account of his youth a Coiuicil of
Regency under the Presidentship of Anantji Amarchand
was appointed to manage the affairs of the State until
the Nawab attained the age of twenty-one years. During
this Regency the claims of Junagadh on the Kundla district
of Bhavnagar were heard by Colonel Lang, the Political
Agent, who decided that the Bhavnagar State should
make to Junagadh an annual payment of nine thousand
rupees in satisfaction.

Wajesinhji Gohel of Bhavnagar died in a.d. 1852
and was succeeded by his grandson, Akherajji, who only
ruled for two years, when his brother Jaswantsinhji
succeeded him. On the death of Akherajji the Mamlatdar
of Gogha, supported by the Collector of Ahmadabad,
proceeded to Bhavnagar and claimed possession on behalf
of the British Government of the districts of Gogha,
Ranpur, and Dhandhuka, comprising in all one hundred
and sixteen villages, on the ground that the direct line of
succession had died out and that Jaswantsinhji could not
lawfully succeed to that portion of the estate of his brother.
An attachment was meanwhile placed over the districts
in question, but the Bhavnagar State strenuously opposed
the contention, and received the support of the Political
Agent, Major Barr. The matter was placed before the
Government of Bombay, who upheld the contention of
Bhavnagar, and ordered that Jaswantsinhji should succeed
to the disputed districts as forming part of the State.
Subsequently in a.d. 1859 the districts were placed
under the Kathiawad Political Agency as the result of
difficulties having arisen two years previously between the
State and the police of Ahmadabad, who had unadvisedly
interfered in the State affairs.

Nawab Mahabat Khan was permitted to assume control
of Junagadh State in a.d. 1859 on reaching the age of
twenty-one, and he retained the President of the Council
of Regency, Anantji Amarchand, as his Dewan. But

212

AFFAIRS IN JUNAGADH

during the seven years of his minority his mother, Naju
Bibi, and a woman by name Chaitibu had acquired great
influence over the young Nawab, and endeavoured to
retain their power after the affairs of the State had been
handed over to him. This naturally brought them in
conflict with Anantji Amarchand, the Dewan, and in
the name of the Nawab a strong representation was made
to the Political Agent describing the unsatisfactory state
of affairs. It was thereupon decided that a Council of
Regency should be again established, and in a.d. 1859
Captain Shortt proceeded to Junagadh to re-inaugurate
the measure. But the mother's influence still remained
paramount in the State, and Captain Shortt reported to
the Government of Bombay on the conditions. As a
result, in a.d. 1860 Mr. Kinloch Forbes was sent to Kathia-
wad as Political Agent, and he persuaded Anantji to resign,
one Dungarshi Devshi being appointed in his place.
For four months the administration was carried on
without much hindrance, but after that, matters were
made so difficult by Naju Bibi and her two confidential
servants, Keshavji and Virji, that after holding office for
a little over a year Dungarshi Devshi was obliged to
resign. Some short time afterwards, Dungarshi was found
to have been sheltering Wagher outlaws, and was dis-
graced. He was also found to have been involved in a
murder, and in the investigation being made into the
facts of the case it was found that Keshavji, Naju Bibi's
servant, was also implicated, and he was placed with
others in confinement.

The young Nawab, who was still kept in a state of
virtual imprisonment by his mother, at this juncture wrote
to the Political Agent, asking to be released from the
unhappy condition in which he existed, and Captain
Elliot was sent by Colonel Barr to Junagadh. Shortly
afterwards Captain Elliot died, and Mr. Coulson was
appointed to continue the enquiries. Mr. Coulson en-

213

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> i

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

camped at Wanthali, and while he was there the Nawab
succeeded in escaping from Junagadh with his brother,
when they fled to his camp and asked his protection.
The Nawab remained with Mr. Coulson, who sent word
to Colonel Barr as to what had taken place. He now
received orders to go to Junagadh and to expel all people
from the palace who were there against the Nawab's will.
Shortly afterwards Colonel Barr decided to proceed himself
to Junagadh, where after the exercise of much tact and
patience the disturbing elements were removed without
bloodshed from the palace and the Nawab installed.

In the meantime Keshavji procured his release from
detention through the able advocacy of his counsel,
whereupon he endeavoured to raise public sympathy on
his behalf by publishing in the papers articles referring
to the state of affairs in Junagadh. The Government of
Bombay now appointed Major Anderson to act as Political
Agent mitil the arrival of Major Keatinge, V.C., to take
up the appointment permanently, and removed Colonel
Barr since they disapproved of his action at Junagadh.
Enquiries were now instituted to find out whether pressure
had been put upon the young Nawab to induce him to
change his advisers, and fear of a return to his former
condition of tutelage so alarmed him that he strongly
objected and asked to be allowed to remain his own
master. Keshavji was now tried, and on being found
guilty of intrigue was sentenced to ten years' imprison-
ment. Virji was subsequently placed in confinement in
the Uparkot for instigating Naju Bibi to rebel, where he
died from a fall from a window, and with his death ended
any further attempt to control the actions of the Nawab
by those whose influence in State affairs was undesirable.
Gokalji Jhala was appointed Dewan in a.d. 1861 on the
departure of Dungarshi Devshi, and he continued to hold
the appointment until a.d. 1878, when he died.

Meanwhile the Waghers had continued their activities

214

lliiiliilii

WAGHERS AGAIN ACTIVE

and many turbulent characters had begun to follow the
example of Widha Manik, undeterred by his fate. When
in A.D. 1817 the British had handed over Okhamandal
to the Gaekwad of Baroda, those leading Waghers who
had been deprived of their lands were given pensions.
But in A.D. 1857 some interference was made by the
Gaekwad's Government regarding those pensions, and the
angered recipients, only too glad of an excuse, created a
disturbance which was not suppressed until after the
arrival of British troops in the district under Lieutenant
Barton. In the following year more discontented Waghers
seized the fort at Dwarka, and were not driven out until
British troops again attacked them. It was now decided
that the Gaekwad's Government should prosecute its own
operations against the disturbers of the peace, and Lieu-
tenant Barton withdrew his detachment. The Baroda
troops now invested Wasai, and after a desultory siege
the Waghers finally came to terms. But in a.d. 1859,
encouraged by the events of the Mutiny, they rose
en masse and under the leadership of Jodho Manik
seized the whole of the Okhamandal Peninsula. The
Gaekwad's representative now wisely placed the affairs
of the district entirely into the hands of the British, and
a body of troops under Colonel Honner was sent to subdue
the rising. The Waghers entered Kathiawad and took
up a position on the Abpura Hills, from which after some
fighting they were dislodged in December of the same
year.

But a small party of the insurgents escaped and
proceeded by sea to Sutrapada, where they were joined
by outlaws against Junagadh State and many other
malcontents. They now began to ravage the territory
of the Gaekwad, and on October 8, 1860, with magnificent
insolence, attacked and captured Kodinar. The Baroda
troops were unable to withstand them as they had no
ammunition, while relieving forces arriving from Amreli

215

qpilllilMillil

fi i

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f.j^ ?l

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

were found to be in the same unprepared condition. The
outlaws thus plundered at their leisure, and after much
eating and drinking retired unmolested at nightfall.
The rebellion now attracted the attention of the Secretary
of State, and as a result of the weak rule exercised by
the Gaekwad's Government, it was decided that two
British Assistants to the Resident at Baroda should be
stationed, one at Dwarka and the other at Amreli. Shortly
afterwards Jodho Manik died of fever in the Gir Forest,
but his death did not put an end to the Wagher dis-
turbances.

In A.D. 1862 Deva Manik and Mulu Manik, who had
been captured in the Abpura Hills three years before,
now escaped from confinement at Baroda, and returning
to Okhamandal they once more threw that district into
disorder. A great number of outlaws in Kathiawad
joined them and attacks were again made upon the
Gaekwad's Amreli territories. The Amreli police proved
insufficient to cope with them, and a fourth Dhari regiment
of Gaekwad's troops was raised and placed under the
orders of the Assistant Resident. Finally at the end of
A.D. 1864 a strong force of Waghers took up a position
on Chachai Hill, twelve miles from Dhari, and there defied
all attempts to dislodge them. A British detachment
was finally sent against them from Rajkot imder Captain
Stow, Royal Artillery, when the Waghers withdrew to
Okhamandal without offering battle. In December a.d.
1865 they again entered the Gir and attacked the Amreli
district, but a force under Colonel Keatinge, V.C., soon
drove them from their hitherto secure retreat.

The Waghers had now become a public nuisance, and
it was decided to crush them altogether to relieve the
province from their menace. Accordingly in a.d. 1865
a fund was started to provide money for combined opera-
tions, to which the States of Junagadh, Gondal, Por-
bandar, and Nawanagar contributed largely. A sum of

216

EXTENSIVE OPERATIONS

two lakhs of rupees was collected, to which were to be
added fines imposed on Talukdars for harbouring or
otherwise found to be aiding the outlaws. By means of
this fund a corps of five hundred men was raised under
two British Superintendents and two Assistants, and this
force was stationed at fifteen outposts. The mountainous
country which they were to supervise was divided into
two divisions, Eastern and Western, with headquarters
at Wanthali and Barda Choki respectively. In August
A.D. 1867 Lieutenant Gordon was appointed Superinten-
dent of the Western division, having under his command
the Nawanagar, Porbandar, and Gondal levies, while
Lieutenant Hemsted was appointed to command the
Eastern division, his detachment comprising the levies
from Junagadh and the Bantwa talukas. The Assistants
appointed were Khan Bahadm* Sheikh Kamrud-din and
Jamadar Sayad Alwi-bin-Edrus.

The outlaws still continued to defy all authority, and
the forces operating against them lost no time in making
every effort to round them up. Colonel Anderson,
Political Agent, taking charge of the operations, on
December 26, a.d. 1867, received information that all
the principal rebels were being harboured at the village
of Butwadar in Dhrafa, and at once made a forced march
against them, only to find his information was not correct.
Two days later, on December 29, further intelligence was
obtained to the effect that the outlaws had seized a
subject of Nawanagar at Wadala, and had made off
followed by a patrol. A cavalry force inider Captain
Harris, 1st Bombay Lancers, pushed on after them at
once. Colonel Anderson and his two assistants. Captains
Henry Hebbert and Charles La Touche, accompanying
the force. The infantry received orders to follow hard
upon them, and the cavalry after marching a forced
march for seventeen miles, finally came up with the
Waghers near the village of Mancharda, where they were

217

rtfT^

.i.!

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'*:

i%3!

: I

1:.

1 :if

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

found to be strongly entrenched on the Tobar Hill, an
isolated peak rising about three hundred feet above the
surrounding country. The outlaws at once opened fire
on the troops, who surrounded the hill and awaited the
arrival of the remainder of the force under Major Reynolds,
17th Bombay Infantry, since they were not sufficiently
strong to attack the position themselves.

In the evening the reinforcements arrived, and it was
decided to attack the outlaws at once. Captain La Touche
at the head of a party of levies with Jamadar Sayad Alwi
attacked from the South-East, while a small force under
Major Reynolds attacked from the South- West. Captain
Hebbert, at the head of some men of the 17th Bombay
Infantry, was made responsible for the West and North-
West, while the remainder of the levies luider Jamadar
Jalam Singh of Nawanagar were placed so as to attack
from the North and North-East. Unfortunately the Nawa-
nagar levies refused to advance against the outlaws, in
spite of promises of rewards, and when the simultaneous
attack by the remaining three parties culminated in their
arrival on the crest of the hill, the Waghers fled on that
side where no resistance was offered. The outlaws were
armed with guns and rifles which they used effectively,
and on reaching the top of the hill Captain Hebbert fell
mortally wounded. Major Reynolds was wounded slightly,
and Captain La Touche pursued the rebels down the
imattacked side of the hill, followed by his men. Seizing
Jamadar Jalam Singh's horse, he mounted and pursued
alone the flying Waghers, shooting one dead. He had
wounded another and was dismounting to kill him with his
sword when the wounded man contrived to fire his loaded
rifle and shot his pursuer through the side. The wound was
mortal, and Captain La Touche died in a few minutes in the
arms of Jamadar Sayad Alwi, who had followed close upon
his leader. Deva Manik was killed, as were several other
outlaw leaders, notably Mamudia Sidi, Karson Meher, and

218

DEATH OF MULU MANIK, OUTLAW

Punja Manik, while Sakhur Makrani was severely wounded.
The British losses were twelve killed and two wounded,
but the result of the encounter was that the Wagher gang
was completely broken up for the time being. Jamadar
Sayad Alwi was presented by Government with a gold
medal in recognition of his bravery and was also made
" Khan Bahadur," while suitable rewards were made to
others who had done especially well in the operations.
Those of his levies who had shown cowardice were punished
by Jam Vibhoji of Nawanagar, and the deaths of Captains
Hebbert and La Touche were universally mourned through-
out the peninsula.

In the following year, on May 7, the Western division
of the levies under Jamadar Nanda, assisted by a party
of the Rana of Porbandar's forces imder Jamadars Lakha
and Mubarik, came upon those outlaws who had escaped
from Tobar Hill at the village of Wanchurda, in Porbandar,
and there surrounded them. They made a desperate
resistance, killing two and wounding eight of the attacking
force. But the principal rebels were all killed, including
Mulu Manik, and with their deaths ended the Wagher
revolt which had disturbed the peace of Saurashtra for
years. Jamadars Nanda, Lakha, and Mubarik were the
recipients from Government of generous money rewards
for the part played by them in ridding the province of
the pests.

The following ballad translated by Mr. Kincaid in
his book " Outlaws of Kathiawad " refers to Mulu Manik
in flattering terms and shows something of the romance
which surrounded those lawless warriors :

The Maratha may charge like the set of the tide,
He fears not, who often the battle had tried.
They dread him at Dhari, though Dhari be far.
And they shake at his name in remote Kodinar.
The lords of the land may sit perched on a throne.
But he takes all their treasure and towns for his own.

219

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

And their insolence fades and their whiskers uncurl,
When they see the gay banner of Manik unfurl.
Awaiting the feast each Kathi reclines.
Mulu comes. At his ease off their dinner he dines.
Deep vengeance they plan. What recks Mulu the bold ?
Kings gj-ovel before him whene'er they are told.
And the Rajput and Kathi they fear him the same,
And the white man grows whiter on hearing his name (!)

I i

220

CHAPTER XVII

(a.d. 1868-1879)

It was in a.d. 1865 that Colonel Keatinge proposed confer-
ment of salutes of eleven guns on the chiefs of the first
class in Kathiawad, who at that time were H.H. the
Nawab of Junagadh, H.H. the Jam of Nawanagar, H.H.
the Thakor of Bhavnagar, H.H. the Rana of Porbandar,
and H.H. the Raj of Dhrangadhra, and the Government
of India were pleased to agree to this proposition in the
following year. Following close after the granting of this
honour, on December 22, a.d. 1866, Colonel Keatinge,
V.C, C.S.I., at a Darbar held at Wadhwan invested H.H.
Ranmalsinhji of Dhrangadhra with the rank of Knight
Commander of the Star of India, and the Jhala chief
thus became the first of those in Kathiawad to be so
honoured. Three years later, however, he died, and
was succeeded by his son Mansinhji. New ideals of
administration in the States were now making great
strides under the influence of the peaceful condition
throughout the province. Jam Vibhoji, who had suc-
ceeded to the gadi of the Nawanagar State on the
death of his father, Jam Ranmalji, in a.d. 1852, intro-
duced in A.D. 1866 a beneficent reform when he appointed
regular paid servants of the State to administer the various
districts, thus superseding the former custom of farming
them out to favourites. This wise reform removed a
source of great evil, for the practice before it was intro-
duced had resulted in oppression of the cultivators in
order to extract all possible from them, scarcely even

221

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

allowing them in many cases sufficient to live upon. In
the same year the civil and criminal jurisdiction over the
districts of Gogha, Dhandhuka, and Ranpur, which had
been assumed by the British Government in a.d. 1816,
was restored to Thakor Jaswantsinhji of Bhavnagar.
This measure was the result of an enquiry conducted in
A.D. 1860 to investigate the matters under dispute between
the Government of Bombay and the Bhavnagar State.
The Thakor' s reforms in the administration of his terri-
tories led Government to show further appreciation of
his work in the following year, when the title of Knight
Commander of the Star of India was conferred upon him.

With the advances made in every direction throughout
the peninsula, the need had long been felt of some suitable
institution at which the sons and relations of the chiefs
of Kathiawad might be educated. Colonel Keatinge
made every effort to establish some good system, but
found the chiefs and their advisers strongly antagonistic
to any suggestion which should remove their sons from
their homes. The whole Zenana influence was also
brought to bear against the scheme, but Colonel Keatinge
persevered and gradually persuaded one chief after another
to grant him funds towards building a Raj kumar College
at Rajkot, for which he selected a suitable site. Finally
his continued efforts bore fruit. A sufficiently large sum
to begin with was collected, and on April 28, a.d. 1868,
Colonel Anderson, who had succeeded Colonel Keatinge
as Political Agent, laid the foundation-stone of the
College.

Among so many evidences of the progress such as we
have seen enumerated it was unfortunate, perhaps, that
a reminder of former conditions should occm* in the
province to show that festina lente was the guiding
principle still to be followed. Less than a century before,
mutilation was not looked upon as anything very extra-
ordinary and rough-and-ready justice was not always

222

wmm

A CASE OF MUTILATION

tempered with mercy. Of this an instance was provided
in A.D. 1869, when Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar returned
to his capital after a visit to an exhibition at Broach.
Diu-ing his absence the administration of the State had
been conducted by his son, Madhavsinhji, who was led
by evil associates to drink and became so overcome with
the habit that he died from indulgence in it during the
Rana's absence. When the chief heard the whole facts
of the case, in his anger he ordered that the nose and ears
of the man Lakshman, who had been chiefly concerned
in ruining his son, should be cut off. After this punish-
ment had been inflicted, the man threw himself from a
terrace in the palace and subsequently died of the injuries
he thereby received.

The circumstances soon became known to Government,
who at once took away the powers of a first-class chief,
which the ruler of the State enjoyed, and degraded him
to the third class. The Rana felt, perhaps with justice,
that he had been harshly treated, and considered that
the proper punishment for a man who had ruined his son
was death, while he had contented himself with mutila-
tion. He was himself of irreproachable character, and
the particularly cold-blooded manner in which the ruin
of Madhavsinhji was accomplished appealed to him as
meriting the most stringent punishment. However, in
A.D. 1886 the powers which had been forfeited were restored
to the Porbandar State on Rana Vikmatji being dethroned
for continued misrule.

Thakor Jaswantsinhji of Bhavnagar died in April
A.D. 1870 and was succeeded by his eldest son, Takhat-
sinhji, who was, however, a minor at the time aged twelve
years. The Government of Bombay therefore decided to
establish a joint administration in Bhavnagar until
Thakor Takhatsinhji should be of age, and Mr. E. H.
Percival together with Mr. Gawrishankar Udayashankar
were selected to be the first Administrators. This was

223

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THE HISTORY OF IvATHIAWAD

not the first instance of its kind, the States of Limbdi and
Rajkot having been phxccd under simikir administrations
three years previously.

The year a.d. 1870 marked the beginning of a new
era in the history of the province, for in that year the
Rajkumar College was opened and the most important
beginning was made in educating young chiefs and embryo
rulers so as to make them fitted to take their places
afterwards as competent administrators under modern
conditions of civilisation. The experiment — for the inau-
guration of the College was nothing more than this —
shortly proved to be an enormous success, and the example
was quickly followed in other parts of India. On December
16, A.D. 1870, Sir Seymour FitzGerald, Governor of
Bombay, declared the main building opened at a Darbar
held at Rajkot, at which the ruling chiefs of Junagadh,
Nawanagar, Dhrangadhra, and Porbandar, and many
others were present. When all had taken their seats.
Colonel Anderson, the Political Agent, made the follow-
ing speech, detailing the circumstances leading to the
memorable occasion which formed the reason for the
assembly, and for the visit made to Kathiawad for the
first time by the Governor of Bombay, within which
Presidency under British rule Kathiawad was constituted :

" Your Excellency : The ceremony which we have
solicited your Excellency to perform this evening is one
which we fervently hope may be the most auspicious
connected with your visit to this province. It is the
opening of the Rajkumar College, designed for the educa-
tion of the sons of the chiefs and nobles of Kathiawad.
It owed its origin to that most energetic and able Political
Officer, Colonel Keatinge, to whose impetus most of the
progress this most important province has made of late
years is due. Urged by him, the chiefs and talukdars,
with characteristic willingness, responded to the call, and
furnished the requisite funds, which subsequently had to

224

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if;!

THE RAJKUMAR COLLEGE OPENED

be doubled. The foundation-stone was laid on April 25,
1868, and the building you see is now in a state of sufficient
completeness to admit of its being put to the great use
for which it is intended. In its present state it has cost
a lakh of rupees, but some considerable sums will yet
have to be spent to provide accommodation and equip-
ment indispensable for an academy intended for the
noble youths to be lodged and brought up in it suitably
to the position they will hereafter be called upon to hold.
For its architectural beauty and the professional skill
displayed throughout the whole our warmest thanks are
due to Mr. Robert Booth, who, as our Local-Fund Engi-
neer, has constructed many useful public works in the
province. The present building can at once accommodate
twenty-five students, the number at first contemplated
as likely to avail themselves of it ; but with the additions
which have been provided for in the original plans, and
for which funds are required, quadruple that number can
be lodged within its precincts. In according your formal
sanction to it, and declaring it open in the presence of
the chiefs of Kathiawad assembled round you, I would
earnestly crave that you would again impress upon them
the political utility, nay the desirability, of educating
their sons in such an institution common to all.

The fact may not be unknown to all that the rulers
and leaders of peoples and communities cannot with
safety be permitted to be brought up in ignorance, or
suffered even to be satisfied with an ordinary pandit,
or even what an educated tutor can impart from books
at home. To be properly fitted for their position they
must have what we in Europe would call a manly educa-
tion and a physical training in order to make them strong
and healthy and intelligent governors and administrators
of the people of their ancestral dominions. Persons
occupying their position cannot afford to lose sight of the
fact that although education, in its widest sense, has in
all countries had for its first votaries the poorer portion
of the population, royalty and aristocracy have ultimately
found it to be to their vital interest to follow in paying
their devoirs to the Goddess of Knowledge ; and history

225 P

liiiiiiii^^

)' 5

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

furnishes no example of an aristocracy or monarchy
successfully holding its own by lagging behind in
progress of knowledge amongst their social inferiors or
subjects.

Regarding the establishment of the College, the
Director of Public Instruction, with whom I have been
in communication, has secured for it the services of Mr.
Chester Macnaghten, a gentleman of high and varied
attainments, and master of some of the vernacular lan-
guages of the East. It is a matter of much regret that
he has been unable to arrive in time to take part in this
interesting ceremony of opening, but, from a communica-
tion lately received from him, he announces his immediate
departure from Benares and his hope of joining us by the
first week in January. In the meantime, such of the
assistants as can be secured will make all the preparations
pending his arrival.

It is a source of the greatest gratification to me that
your Excellency should have so opportunely timed your
visit to this ancient province as to admit of this noble
building being opened formally by yourself. The benefit
which it will derive from this auspicious event will, I
consider, be incalculable. The prestige of your Excel-
lency's name is great, and your Excellency's interest in
all that concerns education will, I fervently trust, be
likewise extended to this College, the first of its kind in
Kathiawad, and which under Providence, let us hope,
may in time emulate the fame of the Eton of the Western
World. Its success will be a step in advance and will be a
pledge of future benefit to both the rulers and the ruled
of Kathiawad ; and whereas formerly the sons of chiefs
rarely, if ever, learnt anything beyond the limits of the
palace or zenana, we now hope in time to have in their
place an intelligent, educated, manly set of noble youths
and burning with emidation to outstrip each other in the
glorious task of elevating humanity.

I now beg of your Excellency to declare this College
open for its important object, naming a day when its
first term shall commence, and informing the fathers of its
intended inmates assembled around you of the arrange-

226

VllPiiliiliililPiP

THE VALUE OF EDUCATION

ments made for the beginning of its work, and may
Heaven's choicest blessings be showered on it !

To this speech Sir Seymour FitzGerald made the
following reply :

Princes and Chiefs of Kathiawad, and Colonel
Anderson, — The duty which you have called upon me to
fulfil is one almost of a merely formal character ; but
because it is merely formal, it is not the less a subject of
the greatest gratification to me, because I am confident
that the ceremony in which we are engaged to-day, simple
as it is, is one of the most vital importance to this Presi-
dency, and one which will probably, or rather certainly,
if it is properly carried out, bear fruits, the full value of
which neither I, nor any one here, can rightly or fully
estimate. And I must congratulate you, Chiefs of Kathia-
wad, that we are met here to-day to complete an under-
taking which his Excellency the Viceroy only a few weeks
ago, in addressing your brother chiefs in Rajputana,
recommended to them as an enterprise which it was
important for them to commence, and thus, among the
princes of your own blood and race, you have arrived at
the goal before they have started ; you have this noble
building completed before they have even begun to
consider the measures necessary to enable them to carry
out what you have successfully achieved.

You have asked me. Colonel Anderson, to impress
upon the chiefs here present the importance and the value
of this institution. It is difficult for me to do more than
reiterate that which I ventured most to impress upon
them in Darbar only the day before yesterday ; but I
have the success of this undertaking so much at heart,
that I do not hesitate very shortly but earnestly to repeat
what I then said. I beg them to consider what you
yourself have pointed in your address — ^that the object
of the institution is not merely that the sons of the chiefs
of Kathiawad should have the means of acquiring a
certain amount of knowledge, but that they should acquire
it in the most valuable form in which it can be attained,
in a manner that shall train and discipline the character

227

[ 'i

'«i.

THE HISTORY OF KATHL4WAD

as well as the head and strengthen them for the duties
they will be called upon hereafter to fulfil. I do not
doubt that information may be acquired under a tutor
at home, nor would I have it supposed that under a
system of private tuition moral principles are necessarily
neglected ; but what cannot be so obtained is the self-
reliance on the one hand and the appreciation of others
on the other, which is obtained by an education in a
public college among their own fellows and equals, removed
from the evil influences which might counteract the
benefits they would otherwise receive. It is the object
of this institution to secure this, and I look to you, one
and all, by your example and your influence, to second
our efforts, and take care that no groundless prejudice,
no evil influence, or underhand advice, shall impede the
success of this great experiment.

I was particularly pleased. Colonel Anderson, with
one point which you remarked upon in your address, and
that was, that the lads who are to be educated here will
receive a good physical as well as a soiuid mental training ;
that it is not merely the head that is to be stored ; that
it is not merely in acquiring knowledge that they will be
placed in competition with their equals, but that, as a
part of your designing, space is set apart for athletic
sports and manly amusements. I should wish the youths
trained here to take pleasure in feats of strength and
activity, to ride well, to shoot well ; in fact to have the
taste for manly pursuits which an English country gentle-
man seldom fails to obtain at a public school.

There is one particular point to which you alluded,
Colonel Anderson, which I cannot pass over, and that is
the obligation which the whole community of Kathiawad,
and, as one having the interest of that community at
heart, the obligation which I also feel, to the gentleman
who has so zealously co-operated with you in the erection
of this noble building. I am sure there is not a single
chief here who, both now and hereafter, will not say that
he is greatly indebted to Mr. Booth, for the care, the zeal,
and the intelligence with which he has carried out the
design which your predecessor, Colonel Keatinge, origi-

228

Jfel-

Ilillllii

THE FIRST PUPILS

nated, and which you now have so successfully completed.
I have now the formal but agreeable duty to perform of
declaring this College open; and in doing so, the first
step is to commit the charge of this institution and building
to the able Public Officer who presides over the education
of this presidency.

I now ask you, Mr. Peile, to take this institution
under your fostering care, and to bestow upon it the same
attention — ^the same zealous attention — which you devote
to every part of the department which has been entrusted
to you. It will be a great object, I think, that this
institution should be opened at an early date. Of course
it is impossible at this moment, under the circumstances
that you, Colonel Anderson, have alluded to, absolutely
to fix a day upon which the institution shall be opened,
but I would suggest to you and Mr. Peile, that the chiefs
should be given the earliest opportunity of availing them-
selves of its advantages. I think that probably, after
some consultation with you. Colonel Anderson, Mr. Peile
will be able to say that the College shall be open for the
reception of the inmates from the 1st of February next, and
that will give the chiefs full time to mature their plans, and
make the arrangements they may consider necessary.
And now, having said this, it is only left for me publicly
to declare that this, the Rajkumar College of Kathiawad,
is from this day open.

Under such auspices the Rajkumar College was declared
open. Mr. Chester Macnaghten, a gentleman of great
ability and high ideals, was selected for the post of Prin-
cipal, and on February 1, a.d. 1871, the first term began.
At first the numbers attending were small, and consisted
of K.S. Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar, the first name on the
books ; K.S. Harbhamji and K.S. Waghji of Morvi ;
K.S. Jaswantsinhji and K.S. Wakhatsinhji of Limbdi ;
K.S. Bawajiraj and K.S. Ladhubha of Rajkot ; K.S.
Harisinhji of Bhavnagar ; K.S. Dajiraj of Wadhwan ;
K.S. Mansinhji of Palitana ; and K.S. Samatkhanji and
K.S. Anwar Khanji of Bantwa. But term by term the

229

l.l

lit

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

numbers increased, and what at first partook of the nature
of an experiment became in a few years a very real factor
in the advancement of the province. Before the College
had been opened a year it was found necessary to enlarge
it, and in a.b. 1873 the main building was supplemented
by a wing on the North side of the quadrangle in accordance
with the original design.

Another very important institution was begun in
A.D. 1873, when the Rajasthanik Court became established.
It happened that no special provision had before been
made, when jurisdictional powers of the chiefs had been
determined, for hearing disputes concerning land between
the chiefs and members of yoimger branches of their
family who held land for maintenance, and other similar
cases in which landed estates held on a semi-feudal tenure
were involved. If such a case fell within the jm*isdiction
of a chief, it was heard by him, and if beyond his jurisdiction
it was heard by the Political Assistant (now since a.d.
1902 Political Agent) in charge of the district concerned.
It was not, however, the practice to interfere in cases
which a chief was competent to hear by virtue of his
jurisdictional powers. The result was that there was
no right of appeal against a chief's decisions, but in
A.D. 1867 it had been decided that the British Government
should assist if necessary in enforcing the obligation
which bound the chiefs to refrain from seizing land, and
to give effect to this decision it was proposed to make
some arrangement for the hearing of disputes of the nature
referred to. Accordingly the Rajasthanik Court was
established, consisting of a British officer as President,
and six members chosen by Government out of a list
submitted by the chiefs. Of these six members the
President chose two to sit with him as assessors, and either
party to a dispute had a right of objecting to one of the
members.

To the Bhayats and Girassias (as the holders of landed

230

iiiiii

Itll;

NATHU MANIK, OUTLAW

property under a chief are called) this measure proved a
great boon, and for many years until it was abolished in
A.D. 1890 the Rajasthanik Court worked with complete
success.

Outlaws still continued to make their presence felt
in various parts in spite of the repressive measures resorted
to, and though their depredations were not of a very
serious nature, it became necessary to pursue the mis-
guided men with vigour until they were either killed or
captured. Accordingly in a.d. 1873 Lieutenant Humfrey
was appointed with the consent and at the expense of
the States to the command of a small body of mobile
troops, ready to proceed with all speed in pursuit of any
outlaws whose whereabouts became known. In the month
of March Nathu Manik at the head of a gang emerged
from Okhamandal, and plundered three Porbandar villages.
They then attacked Gondal territory, and continued
raiding as opportunities presented themselves. Finally
in October the Nawanagar Police Superintendent, Popat
Velji, with the force under him came upon the outlaws
in a field in the vicinity of Kalianpur, in the Barda Hills.
News was sent at once to Captains Wodehouse, Salmon,
and Scott, who were encamped at Sodana, sixteen miles
away, and these three officers hastened with all their
available forces to render help to the Nawanagar men.
They arrived at Kalianpur to find an attack had resulted
in several losses on either side, and in the withdrawal of
the outlaws slowly towards the village. The arrival of
fresh forces completely cut off their retreat, and the
hunted men were forced to take refuge in an old disused
well. They were now given the opportunity of surren-
dering quietly and of laying down their arms. After a
certain amount of parleying, during which the outlaws
were informed that any information they would give
which might lead to the apprehension of the remainder of
the gang would be taken into consideration at the trial,

231

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

they accepted the terms offered, and six men surrendered.
Three of the gang were still at large, including the leader,
Nathu Manik, and shortly afterwards two of them gave
themselves up to Captain Jackson, Assistant Resident at
Okhamandal, the third being killed by a charan about
the same time. In recognition of his services the title
of Rao Bahadur was conferred upon Mr. Popat Velji, and
valuable gifts were presented to him by Government at a
public Darbar held in March of the following year.

H.H. Jam Vibhoji in a.d. 1873 began to coin gold
koris at his mint in Nawanagar, but so many counter-
feiters arose that it was found necessary very soon to
discontinue the currency. In the previous year he had
introduced moulds for the copper coinage, replacing the
old method of cutting roughly and hammering the metal.

In A.D. 1874 Mr. J. B. Peile became Political Agent in
Kathiawad, and in the same year Sahebzada Bahadur
Khanji, the heir-apparent of Jimagadh, having completed
a two years' course at the Rajkumar College, went on a
tour in India in charge of Colonel Lester. The heir-
apparent of Bhavnagar, Kumar Takhatsinhji, left the
College about the same time, and was placed under Captain
H. L. Nutt for the purpose of continuing his studies
privately. In a.d. 1875 Sir Philip Wodehouse, Governor
of Bombay, paid a visit to Kathiawad, in the course of
which he held a Darbar at Rajkot, and opened new Water-
works at Nawanagar.

On Monday, January 1, a.d. 1877, the Viceroy and
Governor-General of India, Lord Lytton, held at Delhi
an Imperial Assemblage for the purpose of proclaiming
to the chiefs and peoples of India the assumption of the
title of " Empress of India " by her Most Gracious Majesty,
Queen Victoria. Chiefs from far and wide flocked to the
ancient capital of the Moghals, and the province of
Kathiawad was represented by H.H. the Nawab of Juna-
gadh, H.H. the Jam of Nawanagar, H.H. the Thakor of

232

SOME INDIAN TITLES

Bhavnagar, and the Thakor of Morvi, on this historic and
impressive occasion. H.H. the Raj of Dhrangadhra was
also invited to attend, but on account of illness he was
unable to do so. In commemoration of the event various
honours were conferred, and a scale of salutes for chiefs
was laid down. A salute of eleven guns was attached to
the chiefship of all first-class States, and nine guns to
that of all States of the second class, though in the latter
case the salutes remained only personal to the chiefs
concerned until a.d. 1879, when they were declared to
be attached to the chiefship. As personal distinctions
salutes of fifteen guns were accorded to H.H. Sir Mahabat
Khanji, K.C.S.I., of Junagadh ; to H.H. Jam Vibhoji of
Nawanagar ; to H.H. Rawal Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar ;
and to H.H. Raj Mansinhji of Dharangadhra. A personal
salute of eleven guns was also granted to Thakor Waghji
of Morvi. Banners were presented to each of the rulers
of the first class, including Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar,
who had been degraded to the third class nearly eight
years before, and H.H. Jam Vibhoji and H.H. Raj Man-
sinhji had the Knight Commandership of the Star of
India conferred upon each of them. The insignia of these
honours was presented to the recipients by the Political
Agent at a Darbar held at Rajkot on January 1, a.d. 1878,
when Gawrishankar Udayashankar, Joint Administrator
of Bhavnagar, was made a Companion of the same order.
At the time of Colonel Walker's first entry into Kathia-
wad the titles of the various chiefs differed considerably,
and "Raja," "Rana," "Rawal," "Thakor," " Bhumia,"
and " Rawat " were variously used. The designation
" Raja " was applicable to the head of a ruling family
only, but a condition of its assumption was that the chief
using it did not pay tribute to another of his family, and
must be independent — ^the fact of tribute being paid to
the Moghals or to the Marathas not affecting this condi-
tion. The Nawab of Junagadh, being a Musalman, did

233

: ! :

: it'll ' :!

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

not adopt the titles generally used by the Hindu rulers
of the peninsula, among whom the Jam of Nawanagar
took precedence, and was addressed as " Maharaja Raja
Shri." He did not rise from his seat when receiving a
visit, and neither did he return a salute. Besides the
Jam, the chiefs of Porbandar and Dhrangadhra were
properly " Rajas " — ^the first named, however, using the
title of " Rana " — while the chiefs of Bhavnagar, Morvi,
Wadhwan, and Limbdi and others were recognized as
Rajas by courtesy though their proper designation was
"Thakor." The title " Rawal" is used by the Gohel
chiefs of Bhavnagar, Sarangji Gohel, an ancestor of the
family, having assumed it on receiving help from the
Rawal of Champaner in recovering his possessions from
his uncle Ramji in about a.d. 1420.

" Thakors " were those chiefs who were not powerful
enough to assume and use the title of " Raja " or who
were the heads of distinct but inferior branches of a
family. To the head of a family " Thakors " owed a
feudal submission.

The " Bhumias " — a designation now fallen entirely
into disuse — were possessors of landed property of an
inferior gradation, who subsequently became known as
" Girassias."

Finally " Rawat " was a title of honour signifying
" valiant." It was hereditary and was generally bestowed
by a Raja for some service rendered. All these titles were
used by the Rajput chiefs only, the Kathis and Babrias
using no particular designation to show their status.

Sir Richard Temple, Governor of Bombay, came on
a visit to Kathiawad in a.d. 1877 and held a Darbar at
Bhavnagar, afterwards going to Nawanagar. Early in
the year Mr. Percival had been succeeded by Major
J. W. Watson as Joint Administrator of the Bhavnagar
State, the minor Thakor Saheb being associated with him,
and displacing Mr. Gawrishankar, C.S.I., who reverted

234

^'«i

! i

i.if

I -ii

MR. GAWRISHANKAR UDAYASHANKAR, C.S.I.

to the post of Dewan. But Major Watson was himself
succeeded in June of the same year by Colonel Parr,
on being appointed President of the Rajasthanik Court.
In the following year Colonel L. C. Barton became Political
Agent in Kathiawad, and on May 5 the full powers of the
administration of Bhavnagar were entrusted to Thakor
Takhatsinhji, he having attained the age of twenty years.
In the same year a joint administration was introduced
into Gondal State during the minority of the minor chief,
Bhagwatsinhji, and Major W. Scott and Mr. Jayashankar
Lalshankar were appointed Joint Administrators. On
January 1, a.d. 1879, Thakor Waghji was placed in sole
charge of Morvi State, after having made a long tour in
India under the charge of Captain Humfrey. In this
year also the buildings of the. Rajkumar College were
completed with the erection of the wing on the South side
of the quadrangle, given by H.H. Thakor Takhatsinhji
of Bhavnagar.

One of the most well-known men in Kathiawad since
the time of Dewan Amarji retired into private life in
A.D. 1879, when Mr. Gawrishankar Udayashankar, C.S.I.,
resigned the Dewanship of Bhavnagar State. This official
had spent nearly his whole life in the service of the State,
earning by his patience, tact, and ability an enviable
reputation as a model Minister. Bom in a.d. 1805 at
Gogha of a poor and respectable Nagar Brahman family,
he procured at the age of seventeen an appointment in
the State, and in the following year was appointed Revenue
Officer of Kiuidla, which soon became the scene of the
depredations of the Khiunan Kathis. In these troublous
times he administered his charge so well that it soon became
apparent that his ability warranted more important work
at the capital. With excellent judgment he smoothed
over the period of ill-feeling between the State and the
Government of Bombay, when the vexed question of the
three disputed districts which finally ended in a.d. 1866

235

01,

1 1

i. r

i K.i

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

was in danger of becoming acute. Subsequently he
played a prominent part in the administration of the
State, when his excellent work called forth approbation
from Government. Finally, as a reward for his labours
he was made a Companion of the Most Exalted Order
of the Star of India, and when he retired from service
in A.D. 1879 he took with him the regret and goodwill of
all. He continued to live a simple life in peace for twelve
years longer, when he died universally mourned through-
out the province, and known as Swami Satchidanand
Saraswati.

The Nagar Brahmans have long been distinguished in
Kathiawad for their ability and shrewdness, and are to
be found associated with the administration of nearly
every important State. Their origin has never been satis-
factorily determined, but it is generally supposed that
they are of the same race as the Gujar Nagirs of the
United Provinces. They came originally from Vadnagar
in Gujarat, one of the oldest cities in that province, which
tradition says was founded by the Solankis. When
Visaldev Chohan founded Visalnagar in a.d. 1014, Vad-
nagar Brahmans attended a sacrifice he performed.
Visaldev asked them to receive alms from him, but they
refused, though some of them accepted grants of land.
For this the latter were outcasted, and became known
as Visalnagar Nagars. Subsequently many of both sects
migrated to SaiKashtra, and at once began to take promi-
nent positions in the larger towns. Their fondness for
power, aided by their astuteness and success in intrigue,
kept them constantly striving to attain the highest places,
and many members of their class reached positions of
great importance. Before a.d. 1808 one section of them
had acquired Vasawad from the Kathis, and from the
time of Colonel Walker's settlement the Nagars of Vasawad
have been recognized as tribute-paying talukdars.

The class is now divided into two subdivisions — ^those

236

.! i^:i

RAILWAYS IN KATHIAWAD

who engage in secular pursuits being known as Nagars,
and those whose calling is the performing of religious
offices being known as Nagar Brahmans. Both eat
together, but are very strict in their caste and religious
observances, and will not eat with Brahmans of any
other sect.

Progress in Kathiawad now began to be marked
through the construction of railways. In a.d. 1879
Bhavnagar State imdertook the construction of a line
from Bhavnagar to Wadhwan, and also, together with
Gondal State, of another from Dhola to Dhoraji. Thus
the province became connected by rail with Gujarat, and
no longer was to lie, as it were, practically an inaccessible
adjunct of India. The value of railways in the opening
up and development of a country and its resomrces has
never been more marked than in the case of Kathiawad.
The old prosperity began again to return in greater
proportion than ever before to the country so full of
possibilities. Trade once more began to circulate and
bring wealth to the rulers and people, whose present
fortunate and prosperous condition is due mainly to the
prompt adoption by the chiefs of the modern methods
of communication and commercial enterprise afforded by
the construction of railways throughout the peninsula.

237

CHAPTER XVIII

(a.d. 1880-1896)

The Rajkumar College at Rajkot had proved such a
successful undertaking that it was decided to open within
the province a school conducted on similar lines for the
education of sons of Girassias, the members of junior
branches of the chiefs' families. Wadhwan was selected
as a suitable place for the establishment of such a school,
and with the least possible delay funds were collected
and buildings commenced. Finally, ten years after the
opening of the parent institution at Rajkot, the Talukdari
Girassia School at Wadhwan was opened in a.d. 1881,
proving in a very short time as great a success as the more
important undertaking had been. The school has since
performed a great work in diffusing education among those
classes of holders of landed property who previously
looked upon the acquiring of knowledge, except that of
fighting, as an occupation scarcely worth even a thought.
Although but thirty-three years have passed since the
school was opened, evidence of the good work it has
performed is manifest throughout the province.

On May 24, a.d. 1881, the young Thakor Takhatsinhji
of Bhavnagar was made a Knight Commander of the
Most Exalted Order of the Star of India, and the following
year Nawab Sir Mahabat Khanji of Junagadh died, being
succeeded by his eldest son, Bahadur Khan. A small
tribe known as Mayas now began to give trouble in
Junagadh territories. These people, who hold land in
twelve villages in the Junagadh State, had endeavoured

238

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MIANAS AGAIN ACTIVE

in A.D. 1872 to attack the town of Junagadh with the
idea of restoring the dynasty of the Chudasama Ras. In
consequence of their turbulence they were then deprived
of their arms, with the result that they went into outlawry
and were with difficulty persuaded to return to their
homes. Subsequently their holdings were demarcated
and their rights defined, and they were ordered to pay a
moderate assessment in lieu of military service, which
they could no longer perform to the State. They refused
positively to pay such assessment, and when their appeal
to Government on the question suffered rejection they
deserted their villages in December a.d. 1882, and
taking up a position on a hill in neutral territory, defied
all attempts at mediation.

It was now feared that their example would be followed
by other lawless or discontented tribes in the peninsula,
and orders were given to disarm and capture them imless
they dispersed quietly. The result was a fight in which
both the Mayas and the police lost considerably. A
Commission presided over by Mr. S. Hammick, I.C.S.,
was now appointed to inquire into the Maya grievances,
which were chiefly of the nature of a list of complaints
against the Junagadh State and its police. The disputes
dragged on, and it was not until six years afterwards that
a satisfactory conclusion was arrived at, and peace was
finally restored on the basis of an exchange of land in lieu
of the cash assessment.

A Miana outlaw of Malia now began a series of robberies
and excesses which made his name feared throughout the
districts in which he moved and plundered. In the middle
of A.D. 1883 a number of robberies were committed in
the North and North- West of Kathiawad by a body of
mounted men, whose leader was soon ascertained to be
Movar Sandhwani of Malia, whose supposed participation
in a mail robbery in a.d. 1879 had brought him into
prominence on account of the large reward offered for

239

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

his apprehension. He had since remained in hiding, but
now considered himself sufficiently safe to continue his
activities. Strong police measures were, on his identity
being established, at once taken in hand to capture him,
but all attempts proved useless on account of the sympathy
with him or the fear of reprisals from him, on the part
of the people of Malia, and also because of the inefficiency
or corruption of the police. Want of co-operation by
the people of Malia, Morvi, Nawanagar, and Dhrangadhra
paralysed all attempts made to capture or crush the
bandits, and as the efforts of the various States acting
independently failed to check their depredations, it was
decided that they should contribute in men and money
to a scheme for raising a body of well-mounted men to
be constantly in readiness to follow the outlaws whenever
their whereabouts should become known. All these
States, with one exception, furnished their quotas without
objection, and the force so raised was placed luider
Jamadar Umar of the Junagadh State Police. But the
success hoped for of the plans devised failed to be realized,
and Movar Sandhwani was not only not captured, but
even made several daring raids.

He succeeded in capturing on the road between
Wawania and Malia one of the Malia officials engaged in
the work of hunting him down, and taking him into a
field, cut off his nose and lip, stole his horse and clothes,
and left him to proceed home as best he could. This
daring episode, which was the outcome of a coarse jest
made by the unlucky official at the expense of the outlaw's
wife, increased his reputation, and gained him a still
larger meed of sympathy. Shortly afterwards he attempted
to set Malia on fire, and shots being fired into the town
at the same time, a party of mounted police hastened to
the spot whence the shots came. The outlaws now fled,
but were tracked as far as the Rann of Kachh, which
they crossed during the dark. Next morning the pursuit

240

SOME MAKRANI OUTLAWS

was continued, and the tracks taken up on the North
side of the Rann with such vigour that the poHce came
upon five of the band and kept them under close observa-
tion until the Kachh authorities could arrive to effect
their capture. But the affair was bungled and two of
the five succeeded in escaping.

It was now considered desirable to send an infantry
detachment to Malia to assist the police and to reassure
the now thoroughly frightened inhabitants. The outlaw
leader, with two permanent companions and several who
joined him temporarily, was now harried with renewed
vigour, and finally in March a.d. 1885 he surrendered to
Captain Salmon and was taken to Rajkot jail, but not
before several atrocious cases of robbery and mutilation
attributed to him had been committed. He was tried
by a Special Magistrate, Captain L. L. Fenton, who
committed him to the Court of Session, where he escaped
conviction for want of evidence. While this was much
to be deplored, yet it afforded an excellent example of
the justice of the Courts established under British rule
in Kathiawad. After his lucky escape Movar Sandhwani
was given a post in Nawanagar State, which fact doubtless
kept him out of mischief and brought about his reforma-
tion.

While Movar Sandhwani was continuing his depreda-
tions in the North of the peninsula, troubles of a similar
nature took place in Junagadh territory in the South,
where the looting of eighty-one villages, and the murder of
twenty-one persons and mutilation of ninety-eight others,
brought into prominence a gang of Makranis who held the
village of Inaj and claimed independence from the State.
Much forbearance was shown them at first, but the refusal
of the Makranis to allow the Junagadh police to investi-
gate an offence of a serious nature committed by some
Inaj villagers brought matters to a head, and the help of
the Agency was sought by Junagadh in maintaining its

241 Q

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

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rights. A message was sent to the Makranis, warning
them to submit to the jurisdiction of Junagadh, of which
they took no notice and insulted the messenger. A strong
force of sixty mounted and one hundred and fifty foot
poHce was sent against the village with the object of over-
awing the disturbers of the peace. Colonel Scott accom-
panied this force, and on August 18, a.d. 1884, he called
upon the twenty-five leading Makranis to lay down their
arms and to submit to the authority of Junagadh. A
promise of compliance was given, but next day at the
time specified the promise was not fulfilled, and the
Makranis instead opened fire upon the troops. After
much delay the place was stormed with a loss to the
defenders of six killed and three wounded, as against
seven killed and fifteen wounded of the attacking force.
Unfortunately six or seven of the Makranis succeeded in
escaping, and formed the nucleus of a gang of outlaws
which for a long time defied all attempts to break it up,
and wandered about in the Gir Forest and its environs,
looting and terrorizing the inhabitants of many villages.

Major Humfrey was appointed to conduct operations
against the outlaws, and in a short time Abubakar, one
of the leaders, was killed, while three fled the country.
There still remained, however, the three most dangerous
members of the original Inaj band, and these were supple-
mented by other bad characters whenever a village was
to be attacked. The operations against the survivors
were so rigorously conducted that in March a.d. 1887
they endeavoured to make for their country, the Makran,
by circuitous routes. One of them, Din Mahomed, was
captured on arrival at Bombay, while a second, Kadar
Bax, was arrested at Karachi after making a desperate
resistance during which he killed one policeman and
wounded another. The third desperado. Alidad, was
traced to a village sixty miles distant from Karachi, where
he was caught in the act of bargaining with a camel-man

242

TWO CHIEFS VISIT ENGLAND

for his transit to Makran. He managed, however, to
escape by night, but was followed up, and finally surren-
dered when half dead with hunger. All were tried and
executed for their crimes, and with their removal peace
and security were once more established in Junagadh.

In A.D. 1883 Colonel E. W. West became Political
Agent in Kathiawad, and in the same year engagements
were taken from the chiefs for the regulation of the
manufacture of and trade in salt. The joint administra-
tion of Gondal ceased on August 24, a.d. 1884, when
the State was handed over to Thakor Bhagwatsinhji
after he had been associated in the administration for
some months with Colonel H. L. Nutt, and had undertaken
a journey to Europe, visiting all the principal cities of
that continent. The diary of his tour, " The Journal of
a Visit to England in 1883," is of much interest as showing
the impressions of the first of the Kathiawad chiefs to
xmdertake the journey to England, which has since
become a means of widening their horizon and of incul-
cating the spirit of progress now everywhere evident.
Thakor Waghji of Morvi visited England the same
year. Shortly after assuming charge of his State, Thakor
Bhagwatsinhji was nominated a Fellow of the University
of Bombay. In a.d. 1886 he joined Edinburgh University
with the object of obtaining medical qualifications, and
in the following year the degree of LL.D. was conferred
upon him by that University.

On January 1, a.d. 1886, the honour of G.C.S.I. was
conferred on Thakor Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar, and
in the same year Colonel J. W. Watson succeeded Colonel
West as the administrative head of the province. Shortly
afterwards Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar was deposed on
account of the maladministration of his State. It was
now restored to its former position among those States
of the first class, and Mr. F. S. P. Lely of the Indian Civil
Service was appointed to be the Administrator. For

243

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

continued bad administration such a course was the
only remedy to take, since it was unthinkable that the
universal progress should be permitted to be hindered by
bad conditions of rule existing in one portion of the
peninsula, and the deposition of the ruler was in full
accord with the policy of progress and co-operation
steadfastly pursued by the Government of India. The
year a.d. 1887 marked the Jubilee of Her Most Gracious
Majesty Queen Victoria, Empress of India, and among
the honours given to celebrate the occasion were those to
Thakor Bhagwatsinhji of Gondal and Thakor Jaswant-
sinhji of Limbdi, each of whom was made a Knight
Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire. Thakor
Waghji of Morvi was similarly honoured, and his State
was raised from the second to the first class, Gondal State
being treated in the same way.

Railway construction now became universal. In a.d.
1886 a line between Delia and Wankaner had been
opened, and in December of the following year Lord
Reay, Governor of Bombay, turned the first sod in the
construction of a railway between Dhoraji and Porbandar,
and of another from Jetalsar to Verawal. In a.d. 1888
the latter section was opened for traffic, and next year
the construction of the former and also of a line from
Rajkot to Wankaner was completed, and both were
declared open by Lord Reay.

The year a.d. 1890 was made memorable by the visit
to Kathiawad of Prince Albert Victor (Duke of Clarence).
He first went to Bhavnagar, whence he proceeded to
Pipawaw, where he laid the foundation-stone of the
new harbour works. In coinineinoration of the occasion
the port was re-named Port Albert Victor, and on the
following day his Royal Highness went by sea to Verawal,
and thence to the Gir Forest on a short lion-shooting
expedition. He afterwards visited Junagadh, and on
March 21 left Verawal for Bombay. This was the first

244

:;'!>

IMPERIAL SERVICE TROOPS

occasion on which a Western Prince had set foot in the
ancient land of Saurashtra.

Scarcely less memorable was the spontaneous offer
made by the rulers of Junagadh, Nawanagar, and Bhav-
nagar in the same year to provide troops for Imperial
defence in common with many other chiefs in other parts
of the Indian Empire. It was towards the end of a.d.
1888 that the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin, addressing a meeting
of chiefs at Patiala, proposed that those who were anxious
to contribute in some way towards Imperial defence
should raise a portion of their armies to such a pitch of
general efficiency as to make them fit to go into action
side by side with Imperial troops. These troops were
to be known as Imperial Service Troops, and were to be
recruited and to be quartered in the States of the chiefs
contributing. A few British officers, known as Inspecting
Officers, were to be appointed to supervise training and
equipment, and the whole cost of maintaining the troops
was to be borne by the chiefs. As soon as this scheme
became known, the chiefs of Junagadh, Nawanagar, and
Bhavnagar in September a.d. 1890 offered to raise
mounted corps of 100, 150, and 342 men respectively, and
their offers were gratefully accepted. Captain A. W.
Forbes was appointed in a.d. 1891 to be the first Inspecting
Officer in Kathiawad, with headquarters at Rajkot, and
the work of raising and training the troops was at once
taken in hand. They have since made excellent progress,
and were utilized in Imperial interests in a.d. 1899 during
the South African War, when a number of men and horses
from each State proceeded on active service.

In a.d. 1890 Mr. E. C. K. OUivant was appointed
Political Agent, and in November of the same year his
Excellency Lord Harris, Governor of Bombay, invested
H.H. Bahadur Khanji, Nawab of Junagadh, with the
insignia of the G.C.I.E. at a Darbar held at Rajkot. The
following year H.H. Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar

245

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

received the title of " Maharaja " as a personal distinction
at a Darbar held at his capital.

The most serious disturbance of modern times in the
Kathiawad peninsula took place in a.d. 1892, when after
two years spent in daring robbery and violence, a band
of outlaws was secured. The origin of the trouble took
place in a.d. 1890, when a certain Mahomed Jan was
arrested in connexion with a murder committed in Morvi,
and sentenced. Unfortunately while on the way to
Ahmadabad he succeeded in escaping from the custody
of the police escort, and returned to Malia after spending
some months in concealment. Joined by other Mianas,
he took part in another murder in October a.d. 1891,
after which the gang was augmented by several noted
outlaws. These included Juma Gand, well known for
his depredations in Kachh, a bad character from Dhrol
named Habibmia, and Wala Namori, a Miana, who had
been Movar Sandhwani's lieutenant some years previously.
The whole gang crossed the Rann into Kachh territory,
where they remained for a time and then emerged in
December to commit a robbery in a Wankaner village,
and afterwards in Baldhoi, under Lodhika. The object
of the second attack, however, made a determined resis-
tance in defence of his life and property, and in the fight
which ensued Mahomed Jan was so seriously wounded that
he died shortly afterwards. But the rest of the gang
escaped, and were no more heard of until February
A.D. 1892, when they looted the Muli village of Jasapur,
injuring eleven persons and carrying off property of
considerable value.

An energetic pursuit of the outlaws was undertaken
and they were eventually tracked to a ruined hill-fort
near Than. But they learnt of the pursuit and escaped
by night before a sufficient number of men to surround
them and effect their capture could arrive from Rajkot.
The pursuit, however, was taken up at once, and the

246

WALA NAMORI, OUTLAW

fugitives were again tracked to the ruined Sayla village
Valajal, where they took up a strong defensive position.
The small body of mounted men which came upon them
was unable to effect their capture, and before the armed
foot police could arrive to take part in an attack upon
them, the dacoits again escaped under cover of darkness.
No less than three times subsequently they succeeded
in escaping from justice, firstly at Chanchapur in Morvi
State, and afterwards in the Gir Forest and at Babra,
the reason being in each case the passive or active sympathy
shown them by the people and inefficient methods on the
part of the police. They then crossed the Rann, and in
April A.D. 1892 for their next venture stole horses
stationed at various parts along the road to be travelled
by the Governor of Bombay, who was on a visit to the
Rao of Kachh. This daring act necessitated their retm:n
to Kathiawad, where they roamed closely pursued, and
on November 20 Habibmia was surrounded in a field and
surrendered to Mr. W. L. B. Souter, the Police Superin-
tendent of Dhrangadhra State. The remainder of the
gang were not heard of again for about a month, when
they were discovered to be hiding near the village of
Khakhrechi. A moimted party under the command of
Lieutenant H, L. Gordon at once hastened to the spot,
and followed the outlaws to the village of Karadia near
Malia, where they entrenched themselves in a shallow
watercourse, and hoisting their flag dared the attackers
to come on. It was now getting dark, and as an exchange
of shots did not appear to result in the discomfiture of
the outlaws, Lieutenant Gordon decided to charge them.
After first giving instructions not to stop if he or Jamadar
Kalandar Shah Khan should fall, he set himself at the
head of his men and rode for the dacoits' trench. But
only three mounted men actually reached the trench
with him, Jamadar Kalandar Shah Khan being on his
right, and Dafedar Mahomed Shakir with Sowar Ram-

247

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

chandar on his left. The remainder diverged from the
very beginning of the attack and at the end of it were
some twenty yards to the right.

The guns of the outlaws were thus directed towards
only four men, and Lieutenant Gordon on nearing the
trench was shot dead, eleven wounds being found on his
body afterwards. The Jamadar escaped miraculously,
but the Dafedar shared the fate of his leader, while Sowar
Ramchandar's horse was shot. After the charge, the
survivors dismounted and began firing on the dacoits at
close range, and after about fifteen minutes only four or
five of the outlaws remained alive, and a rush made with
swords ended the affair.

The result of the encounter was the complete destruc-
tion of the gang which had terrorized the Northern parts
of the peninsula for two years. Wala Namori, with eleven
other companions, was killed, and his reign of lawlessness
was over. In commemoration of the affair, a tablet was
erected in the Lang Library at Rajkot containing the
following inscription :

In honour of

LlEXJTENANT HaKRY LaURENCE GoRDON

2nd Bombay Lancers

Dafedar Mahomed Shakir

and

Naik Haji Sajan

of the Kathiawad Agency Police, who were killed at Karadia in Malia on
the 19th December 1892 whilst gallantly charging a noted band of dacoits
who were well armed and in a strong position. Their deed honours them
more than any words can do, and this tablet is erected by all the chiefs
and other friends in iiathiawad who deplore their loss.

Naik Haji Sajan did not participate in the charge, but
was in command of a small party detached behind the
outlaws to cut off their retreat.

A monument was erected on the site of the encounter,
and Jamadar Kalandar Shah Khan was given the title of

248

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WALA NAMORI*S EPITAPH

" Khan Saheb " and presented on November 10, a.d. 1893,
at Rajkot with a sword of honour and a money reward
for his gallantry on the occasion. A bardic eulogium on
the acts and death of Wala Namori praises equally the
outlaw and his vanquisher, and an excellent translation
of the poem by Mr. Kincaid in " The Outlaws of Kathia-
wad " rims as follows :

Though the hatred of kings is unsleeping.

Yet Morvi and Malia were one ;
Though they hated they joined for the moment

Till the days of Namori were done.
His head never bowed to the mighty.

As the wind, so his spirit was free,
And he roamed from the Rann to the Bardas,

And he robbed from Wadhwan to the sea.
Had Mor and Namori united.

Then the earth had been theirs for a prey.
But the love of the lowly lasts always.

And the love of the great for a day.
Fate's orders, O Wala Namori,

Are pitiless, ever the same.
Or as stands out some fort on the Bhadar,

So had towered thy castle of fame.
Earth's kings must have kings for their rivals, .

So lion-souled Gordon arose.
Had Gordon not been, then Namori

Had ruled from the line to the floes.
From heaven the Apsaras hastened

To wed with the brave who should fall.
Young Gordon died first, so they bore him

To wed with the fairest of all.
When two Uons he prone in death grapple

Their pride and their valour are one.
Thus Gordon's fame sprang from Namori

And Namori's from Gk)rdon was won.

Early in a.d. 1892 H.H. Sir Bahadur Khanji of Juna-
gadh died, without however leaving an heir, and without
having exercised the privilege accorded him in common
with other chiefs by Government of being permitted to

249

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THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

adopt an heir in the event of there being none to succeed.
The selection of a successor therefore lay with the Govern-
ment of India, who nominated his brother, Rasul Khanji,
to occupy the vacant gadi. The new Nawab was
installed by Sir Charles OUivant at a public Darbar held
at Junagadh in June of the same year.

Education had by now made such strides throughout
the province that it was considered the time had arrived
when the more important States might with confidence
be permitted to control their own educational arrange-
ment, and in a.d. 1892 this control was handed over to
them. The supervision of education in all other States
remained in the hands of the Agency, an Educational
Inspector being responsible for the welfare and progress
of the department under his charge. The privilege
extended to the first- and second-class chiefs has not
been abused, and to-day education in their States has
reached and maintained a very good standard.

The first Rani of an Indian ruling chief to cross the
ocean was that of Gondal, H.H. Nandkunvarba, Rani
Saheb, C.I., who in a.d. 1890 went to England with
H.H. Thakor Sir Bhagwatsinhji for the benefit of her
health. While there. Sir Bhagwatsinhji prosecuted his
studies of medicine at Edinburgh University, where he
took the degrees of M.B., CM., and subsequently M.D.,
and became in a.d. 1895 a Fellow of the Royal College of
Physicians. The University of Oxford conferred upon
him the honorary degree of D.C.L. in a.d. 1892 and two
years later he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society,
and sat as Honorary President of the Eighth International
Congress of Hygiene at Buda Pesth. In a.d. 1893 H.H.
Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar was also honoured by an
English University when the honorary degree of LL.D.
was conferred upon him at Cambridge ; and in the next
year Jadeja Ranjitsinhji, afterwards Jam of Nawanagar,
obtained the degree of Bachelor of Arts after studying at

250

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IPiMiiiliill

JUMA GAND, OUTLAW

the same University, whence he had proceeded from the
Rajkumar College at Rajkot.

Still another Miana outlaw attained an mienviable
reputation in a.d. 1894, when Juma Gand, a Kachh
subject, sought to acquire fame similar to that of Wala
Namori, but perished ingloriously in the attempt. His
first robbery with violence had been committed as far
back as a.d. 1888, when he stole a musket from a Malia
policeman and wounded him with a knife while doing so.
He was subsequently captured, but escaped from the
Rajkot jail. However, he was again taken, and after
undergoing six months' rigorous imprisonment took to
looting whenever and wherever possible in Kathiawad
and beyond the Rann. Finally on April 10, a.d. 1894,
Mr. Souter, who was pursuing him, was informed that
six armed Mianas were concealed in a " tank " near
Dhrumath in Dhrangadhra State. With all haste a small
party of mounted police covered the distance of fifteen
miles which separated them from their quarry, and arrived
in the neighbourhood of the " tank " just before midday.
The outlaws took up a position similar to that chosen by
Wala Namori, and in imitation of that bandit flew a red
flag above it.

From a glance it was evident that the gang were well
defended, and that they could not be captured by a
mounted force. The police therefore dismounted and
took up positions which gave them the best possible view
of the outlaw's stronghold. On seeing them, the gang
opened fire, which was returned and continued for about
a quarter of an hour. Mr. Souter then determined to
make a rush, and before doing so he changed his helmet
for a sowar's turban, which ruse greatly bewildered Juma
Gand, who for the purpose of acquiring fame had deter-
mined to kill the English leader, whom he was now unable
to recognize. Mr. Souter led his men with skill, and
despite a desperate resistance on the part of the outlaws

251

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

and the fact that they were completely sheltered by the
sides of the pit in which they had entrenched themselves,
the police reached the position with the loss of but four
men killed and two wounded. All the outlaws were
accounted for, and the killed included Juma Gand and
six other desperadoes. For their gallantry Mr. Souter
and the force which he commanded were made the
recipients of handsome rewards.

Lord Harris, G.C.I.E., Governor of Bombay, visited
Kathiawad in a.d. 1893, when he declared open at Gondal
the railway from Rajkot to Jetalsar, and also turned the
first sod of the line which was to run between Rajkot and
Nawanagar, which latter place is now more generally
known as Jamnagar. In April of the following year
H.H. Sir Vibhoji of Jamnagar died, and was succeeded
by his son Jaswatsinhji, during whose minority an Admini-
strator, Major W. P. Kennedy, was appointed to rule
the State and to safeguard the young chief's interests.
H.H. Sir Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar died in a.d. 1896,
and was succeeded by his son, Bhavsinhji, the present
ruler of the State. Less than a month after this sad
event occurred another no less grievous loss, when Mr.
Chester Macnaghten, the first and universally loved
Principal of the Rajkumar College, died at Rajkot. His
loss at a comparatively early age was very real, for his
conspicuous ability contributed perhaps more than any
other one factor to the enlightenment and progress which
to-day characterise those ruling chiefs who at the early
stages of their lives came under his fostering care. In
the same year Thakor Mansinhji of Palitana was appointed
a Knight Commander of the Most Exalted Order of the
Star of India, and Captain W. J. Peyton, C.M.G., relieved
Captain Forbes as Inspecting Officer of the Imperial
Service Troops within the province.

252

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CHAPTER XIX

(a.d. 1897-1915)

The year a.d. 1897 marked the Diamond Jubilee of Her
Most Gracious Majesty Victoria, Queen and Empress, on
which occasion Thakors Sir Bhagwatsinhji of Gondal and
Sir Waghji of Morvi were each made the recipients of the
insignia of the G.C.I.E. at the hands of her Majesty in
England. In celebration of the Jubilee, Darbars were
held on June 21 at various centres throughout the penin-
sula. Colonel J. M. Hunter, C.S.I., was now appointed
Political Agent, and towards the end of the year H.E.
Lord Sandhurst, G.C.I.E., paid a visit to Kathiawad.
While at Rajkot he performed the opening ceremony of
the Rasul Khanji Hospital for Women, which had been
generously built for the good of the province by the
Nawab of Junagadh. He afterwards went to Junagadh,
and thence to Wadhwan, where on December 3 he cut
the first sod in the construction of the railway to Dhran-
gadhra, which was opened in the following year. Lord
Sandhurst paid a second visit to Rajkot in a.d. 1898,
when he opened the Bhavsinhji Hall of the Rajkumar
College, and unveiled a statue of Mr. Chester Macnaghten,
the late Principal, before the College entrance.

It was in a.d. 1899 that rules regulating the sale of
opium were finally sanctioned by the Government of
India and communicated to the States. The first agree-
ment made relating to the cultivation and sale of the
drug had been in a.d. 1820, but it was found that the
engagement was not adequately fulfilled, and in a.d. 1878

253

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

fresh rules for the protection of Imperial interests were
drawn up. This measure led to a claim by the States to
be allowed to cultivate and manufacture opium for
consumption, and a controversy arose upon the point.
Two years later the Government of India ruled that the
British Government had always exercised the right of
levying opium duty, and that the prohibition as regards
its cultivation was also of long standing, and the rules
promulgated in a.d. 1881 finally settled the question.
In this year also the Rajasthanik Court was abolished,
as it was considered that all cases which were brought
before it for decision could be equally well disposed of in
the Courts of the States concerned. Appeals against the
decisions of these Courts were to be made to the Agency,
and parties still dissatisfied were to have the right of
appeal to the Government of Bombay. The abolition
of the Rajasthanik Court was indicative of the improved
relations existing between chiefs and their subject land-
holders, and of the progress in efficiency of the State
Courts.

The most disastrous famine of modern times was
brought about in a.d. 1899 by the failure of the rains.
It soon became evident that distress was imminent, and
as only six inches of rain fell, wells quickly began to
dry up, and the cattle suffered severely through failure of
the grass crop.

Every attempt was made by irrigation to make the
cold- weather crops of some use, but the yield, even after
the most strenuous exertions, fell far short of the average,
and death from starvation stared nearly the whole of the
cultivating classes in the face. Before the middle of
January a.d. 1900 less than half the cattle in the province
remained alive. A regular system of relief works was
opened everywhere, and wells were dug as rapidly as
possible in the hopes of finding sufficient water even for
drinking purposes. In Dhrangadhra over fifteen hundred

254

LORD CURZON IN KATHIAWAD

were dug, and in Junagadh twenty-one works were opened
which brought relief to thousands who would otherwise
have starved. So far as possible those unable to work
were lodged in poorhouses situated all over the peninsula,
and the excellent arrangements made everywhere to meet
the unexpected and unprecedented disaster were the
means of saving the greater part of the population from
extinction. As an example of the public spirit and charity
prevailing may be taken the case of a Bombay merchant
named Adamji Pirbhoy, a native of Dhoraji, who while
the famine lasted fed and clothed thousands of people
daily, besides maintaining at Dhoraji a poorhouse and
dispensary for the relief of the sufferers.

Rana Vikmatji of Porbandar died in April a.d. 1900,
and was succeeded by his grandson Bhavsinhji later in
the year, when the British administration ceased and the
first-class powers restored at its commencement were
continued under certain conditions. Sir Mansinhji of
Dhrangadhra died also in November, and on December 3
his grandson Ajitsinhji was installed on the gadi by
Colonel W. P. Kennedy, who succeeded Colonel Hunter
as Political Agent.

The Viceroy and Governor-General of India, Lord
Curzon of Kedleston, P.C, G.M.S.I., G.C.I.E., C.B., visited
Kathiawad in November a.d. 1900. Landing at Verawal,
he was an interested visitor to the temple of Somnath,
and afterwards proceeded to Junagadh, where he opened
the Arts College and Technical Institution. A magnificent
Darbar was afterwards held at Rajkot, which all the
chiefs and leading men in the province attended. In
the following year the Governor of Bombay, Lord North-
cote, unveiled at Morvi a statue of Lord Reay, a former
Governor, and afterwards visited Gondal, Junagadh, and
Bhavnagar. Captain J. Talbot relieved Captain Peyton
as Inspecting Officer of the Imperial Service Troops the
same year,

255

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

The designation of the senior representative of Govern-
ment in the peninsula was changed in a.d. 1902 from
" PoHtical Agent " to " Agent to the Governor in Kathia-
wad." Previous to a.d. 1863 the province had been
divided into ten separate divisions. Jhalawad in the
North consisted of about fifty States, which originally-
included Viramgam, Mandal, and Dhandhuka. To its
West lay Machhu Kantha, made up of Morvi and Malia.
Halar embraced the North- West portion, and adjoining it
were Okhamandal and Barda or Jetwad, better known as
Porbandar. Sorath included Junagadh, Bantwa, and
Amrapur, though the sea-coast from Mangrol to Diu was
also known as Nagher. Kathiawad occupied the centre
of the province, and was made up of Jetpur, Chital,
Amreli, Jasdan, Chotila, Anandpur, and many smaller
districts. Babriawad was the hilly tract of country lying
to the South-East, while Und-Sarveya extended along the
Shetrunji River. Finally, Gohelwad comprised the States
of Bhavnagar, Palitana, Wala, Lathi, and the district
round Gogha, and also formerly included the old division
of Walak.

But these ten divisions were found to be too cumber-
some for administrative purposes, and the peninsula was
re-divided into Jhalawad, Halar, Sorath, and Gohelwad.
The Assistant Political Officers to the Agent to the Governor
over each of these four divisions, or " Prants " as they
were called, became designated in a.d. 1902 as Political
Agents, with headquarters at Wadhwan, Rajkot, Jetalsar,
and Songadh respectively. Manekwada, near Bagasra,
was exchanged in a.d. 1886 for Jetalsar by an agreement
made with Gondal, in which State Jetalsar lies.

The areas of the four Prants differ considerably.
Halar, the largest, consists of nearly 7500 square miles,
of which nearly half is Nawanagar State. It includes,
besides, Morvi and Gondal and the second-class States of
Wankaner, Dhrol, and Rajkot. Sorath extends over

256

Viiiiiil

HPiiPiiiiiP

ililiiii

CHIEFS' JURISDICTIONARY POWERS

considerably more than five thousand square miles of
country, of which more than three thousand square miles
is Junagadh territory, Porbandar being the most important
State after it. Bhavnagar takes up more than half of the
4200 square miles comprising Gohelwad, Palitana being
the State of next importance in the Prant. Jhalawad is
of nearly equal size with Gohelwad, and Dhrangadhra,
Limbdi, and Wadhwan are its three largest States.

As the States differ in size and importance, the powers
of their chiefs differ also. These powers are arranged in
seven classes. Chiefs of the first- and second-class States
can exercise civil jurisdiction to any extent, while those
of the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth classes may only
entertain suits in their courts the values of which are
below Rs.20,000, Rs.10,000, Rs.5000, and Rs.500 respec-
tively. Chiefs of the seventh class have no civil Juris-
diction.

In criminal matters first-class chiefs may try for capital
offences any person except a British subject, while second-
class chiefs may try only their own subjects. The powers
of a third-class State extend to the infliction of seven
years' rigorous imprisonment, and fine amounting to
Rs.10,000. In fourth- and fifth-class States only three
and two years' imprisonment, with fines of Rs.5000 and
Rs.2000 respectively, may be given to offenders, while
in States of the sixth class only three months' rigorous
imprisonment can be given, while a fine may not exceed
Rs.200. The powers of a seventh-class chief are still less,
for they are limited to the infliction of rigorous imprison-
ment for fifteen days and of fines of Rs.25.

Besides the jiurisdictional chiefs there are a number of
petty rulers whose non- jurisdictional States are grouped
into Thana circles, the control of which is vested in the
Political Agents, who are represented in these circles by
subordinate officers known as Thanadars. Many of the
States over which jurisdiction is thus exercised are

257 B

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

! :■■)■

' ii''

fit

extremely small, and in a great many cases the incomes
their owners derive from them are too small to provide
maintenance. Altogether in the province there are 188
States, Talukas and Estates of greater or lesser importance,
of which 13 pay no tribute, 105 pay tribute to the British
Government, 79 to the Gaekwad of Baroda, and 134 to
the Nawab of Junagadh.

The last disturbance of any importance within the
province occurred in a.d. 1903, when a gang of seven or
eight Mianas under Maya Punja began looting in the
neighbourhood of Songadh, and then robbed a mail con-
veyance on the road from Ranpur to Dhandhuka. These
Mianas were some of a party of thirteen who, having
been convicted for dacoity with murder, and sentenced
to long terms of imprisonment, had succeeded in escaping
from Petlad jail in September a.d. 1902 and in possessing
themselves of the arms and uniforms of the police guards.
On June 13, a.d. 1903, a shepherd came upon the gang,
who were hiding in a stream near Gokharwala in the
confines of the Chuda State. He at once informed the
Chuda Kamdar, who wired to Wadhwan for assistance
and took steps to surround the gang with as many armed
men as he could collect. Finding they were the objects
of observation, the outlaws abandoned their position in
the stream and moved a short distance away from it to
an old fiUed-in well, where they scooped out shallow pits
to conceal themselves as much as possible, and, hoisting a
red flag, invited the Chuda men to attack them.

Fire was opened upon them, which was continued
desultorily until evening, when the Agency police arrived
from Wadhwan under Chief Constable Mahobatsingh
Haribhai. The ground all round the outlaws' position
afforded no cover, and the Chief Constable despatched
mounted men to bring cotton bales behind which the
police might advance, and avoid thereby considerable loss
of life. Three bales were procured, and on their arrival

258

wmmum

mmmKmmmmm

MAYA PUNJA, OUTLAW

the police advanced behind them, rolling them along from
two directions until they were within twenty-five yards
from the outlaws' position. At the beginning of this
advance one policeman raised himself to look over his
bale, and was shot in the neck. It was now decided to
make a rush, and springing from behind their bales, both
police parties advanced simultaneously. One policeman
was killed in this charge, but in the fighting five Mianas
were almost immediately despatched. The leader, Maya
Punja, with another of the gang, succeeded in running
away, but they were pursued and caught. Maya Punja
was killed as he showed fight, but the other man quietly
surrendered. The whole of the gang was thus accounted
for, with a loss to the attackers of two men killed and
seven wounded.

For their services on this occasion, Chief Constable
Mahobatsingh and the Kamdar of Chuda, Mr. Umia-
shankar, were granted the title of " Rao Saheb," while
the police officer was also the recipient of a sword of
honour along with the Superintendent and three men of
the Chuda police. Dafedar Kamrudin Hidayat Ali was
admitted to the third class of the Indian Order of Merit
for his services, and many other police, and people of
Chuda who gave assistance, received money rewards.

The Imperial Darbar held at Delhi on January 1,
A.D. 1903, by his Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-
General of India, for the purpose of proclaiming the
Coronation of his Most Gracious Majesty King Edward VII,
Emperor of India, was attended by H.H. Nawab Sir Rasul
Khanji of Junagadh, H.H. Thakor Bhavsinhji of Bhav-
nagar, H.H. Rana Bhavsinhji of Porbandar, H.H. Thakor
Sir Waghji of Morvi, H.H. Thakor Sir Bhagwatsinhji of
Gondal, Thakor Mansinhji of Palitana, and Thakor Sir
Jaswatsinhji of Limbdi, each of whom received a gold
medal and two silver medals each for their Sardars. In
Kathiawad Darbars were held at Rajkot, Dhrangadhra,

259

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

Dhrol, and Wadhwan, and festivities and rejoicings were
universal throughout the province. During the year,
Mr. Waddington, Principal of the Rajkumar College, left
to become the Principal of the Mayo College at Ajmer, and
was succeeded at Rajkot by Mr. C. J. W. Mayne.

The British administration of Nawanagar came to
an end in March a.d. 1903, when the young Jam, H.H.
Jaswatsinhji, was seated on the gadi of his ancestors
by Mr. H. O. Quin, who was acting as Agent to the
Governor. Lord Lamington, G.C.M.G., G.C.I.E., Governor
of Bombay, made a short tour in Kathiawad in March
A.D. 1905. He first of all performed at Wadhwan the
opening ceremony of the metre-gauge railway connecting
that place with Rajkot, a conversion from the broad gauge
having been effected and the railways in the peninsula
thus regularized. On March 4 he presented the Insignia
of the Most Exalted Order of the Star of India in a public
Darbar to H.H. Thakor Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar, who
had been honoured with that order of knighthood the
previous year. He then went to Jiuiagadh, there to
participate in a lion-shoot in the Gir Forest. On March 9,
however, an incident occurred which put an end to His
Excellency's torn*. The shooting arrangements had been
entrusted to Major H. G. Camegy, Political Agent of
Halar, who was himself a keen sportsman. A lion having
been woimded. Major Carnegy determined to follow it up,
but in the thick jungle he was himself surprised by his
quarry and killed after a brief struggle. His death was
universally regretted, and his funeral next day at Rajkot
was largely attended.

In November of the same year their Royal Highnesses
the Prince and Princess of Wales visited India, and many
chiefs from Kathiawad went to Bombay to receive them.
The Mounted Squadron of boys at the Rajkumar College
had also the honour of forming part of their mounted
escort, and remained in Bombay for some days for the

260

lliiiiii

■illip

ADMINISTRATION AT PORBANDAR

purpose. In a.d. 1906 Lord Lamington again visited
Kathiawad and completed the tour which had been so
unfortunately interrupted the previous year. Mr. P. S. V.
FitzGerald, C.S.I., followed Colonel Kennedy as Agent to
the Governor this year, which was marked by the death
of H.H. Jaswatsinhji, the youthful Jam of Nawanagar.
He left no heir, and his cousin, Ranjitsinhji, who had before
the birth of Jam Jaswatsinhji been adopted with the idea
of succeeding to the gadi, was selected to be Jam,
being installed by the Agent to the Governor on March 7,
A.D. 1907. Six months afterwards he started on a pro-
longed visit to England, returning to India in January
A.D. 1909.

A personal salute of fifteen guns was accorded to
H.H. Rasul Khanji of Junagadh in a.d. 1907, and in
the following year Mr. C. H. A. Hill, C.S.I., C.I.E., became
Agent to the Governor in Kathiawad. Towards the end
of A.D. 1908 Rana Bhavsinhji of Porbandar died, and
his heir, Natwarsinhji, being a minor, a joint administra-
tion was appointed to guard his interests in Porbandar
until he could succeed. The first Administrators appointed
were Wala Vajsur Valera, a Kathi shareholder of Bagasra,
and Rao Bahadur A. S. Tambe, who afterwards gave
place to Mr. Kalianrai Jetha Bakshi. In November
A.D. 1908 his Excellency Lord Kitchener, Commander-in-
Chief of the Indian Forces, visited Verawal and Junagadh.

H.H. Raj Saheb Ajitsinhji of Dhrangadhra was
honoured by being made a K.C.S.I. in A.D. 1909, when
H.H. Sir Rasul Khanji of Junagadh was advanced in the
same order of knighthood. The title of " Maharaja " was
also granted to H.H. Sir Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar as a
personal distinction.

Captain H. C. Kay, 8th Cavalry, succeeded Captain
F. Adams as Inspecting Officer of the Imperial Service
Troops in a.d. 1910, after the latter had held the appoint-
ment for four years, and the same year Sir George Clarke,

261

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

ill

Governor of Bombay (afterwards Lord Sydenham) made
an extensive tour in the peninsula. In the course of the
tour he visited Nawanagar, where he turned the first
sod in the construction of the railway to Dwarka, and
laid the foundation-stone of the new harbour works. On
January 24 he visited Gondal, and at Bhavnagar on
January 27 he inaugurated the construction of a railway
from Sihor to Palitana, presenting also at a Darbar the
Sanad of " Maharaja " to H.H. Sir Bhavsinhji. He
visited Junagadh, where he declared open the Shapur-
Bantwa Railway, and laid the foundation-stone of a
market.

The year a.d. 1911 witnesses the death of two of the
most prominent chiefs in Kathiawad. H.H. Sir Ajitsinhji
of Dhrangadhra died in February, and H.H. Sir Rasul
Khanji of Junagadh died in the following November.
The former was succeeded by his son, Ghanshyamsinhji,
while an administration under Mr. H. D. Rendall, of the
Indian Civil Service, was placed in Junagadh during the
minority of the minor chief, Mahabat Khanji, who became
Nawab. His Most Gracious Majesty King George V,
Emperor of India, accompanied by Her Majesty Queen
Mary, visited India in a.d. 1911, and for the Imperial
Darbar held at Delhi on December 12 and its attendant
functions several Kathiawad chiefs received invitations.
These included H.H. Ranjitsinhji of Nawanagar, H.H.
Sir Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar, H.H. Ghanshyamsinhji of
Dhrangadhra, H.H. Sir Waghji of Morvi, H.H. Sir Bhag-
watsinhji of Gondal, Raj Saheb Amarsinhji of Wankaner,
Thakor Saheb Daulatsinhji of Limbdi, and Thakor Saheb
Karansinhji of Lakhtar. Darbars were held at each of
the Prant headquarters within the province, and in all
the principal towns, while proclamations were made in
nearly every village. The honours given on the occasion
included a Knight Commandership of the Most Eminent
Order of the Indian Empire to Raj Saheb Amarsinhji of

262

^IHiiiiiiPiiliiii

mmm

RIOTS AT PORBANDAR

Wankaner, the Companionship of the same Order to
Wala Shri Laxman Meram, chief of the third class of
Thana-DevH, and the C.S.I, to Thakor Karansinhji of
Lakhtar, while H.H. Nandkimvarba, Rani Saheb of Sir
Bhavsinhji of Bhavnagar, was appointed C.I. Subse-
quently also Rao Bahadur Vithalrai Himatram Dave,
Daftardar to the Agent to the Governor, received the
Imperial Service Order for long and meritorious service
to Government.

In A.D. 1912 a railway from Junagadh to Bilkha was
opened by Mr. J. Sladen, who had been appointed Agent
to the Governor in succession to Mr. Hill shortly before
on the latter's appointment to a seat on the Council of
H.E. the Governor of Bombay. Riots of a serious nature
occurred in Porbandar in December a.d. 1912, when a
quarrel involving a slight loss of life arose between the
Mahomedan community and the Hindu fishermen, known
as Kharwas. A force of Agency Police was despatched
as soon as possible from Jetalsar to assist the local autho-
rities, and on their arrival peace was restored. The
valuable stone quarries of Ranawaw, near Porbandar,
had lately been found to afford excellent material for the
making of cement, with the result that a company was
formed, and on February 9, a.d. 1913, Lord Sydenham,
Governor of Bombay, landed at Porbandar for the purpose
of laying the foundation-stone of the Porbandar Cement
Factory at the request of the Indian Cement Company.
This being completed, he went by sea to Verawal and
thence to Junagadh, where he performed the opening
ceremony of the " Coronation Memorial Hospital for
Women and Children." Shortly afterwards the minor
Nawab Saheb of Junagadh, H.H. Mahabat Khanji, pro-
ceeded to England for educational purposes under the
charge of Mr. W. Tudor-Owen, his guardian, in company
with Bahadursinhji, the minor Thakor of Palitana.

In the following July the riots at Porbandar were

263

THE HISTORY OF KATHIAWAD

W -':.

repeated, and a large body of Agency Police was again
required to proceed to the place to restore order. Several
persons were killed or injured before their arrival, but
no serious outbreak occurred afterwards and the high
feeling which existed between the two communities
gradually died down. In consequence of the two occur-
rences, the joint administration ceased, and Major F. de B.
Hancock was appointed sole Administrator.

Later in the year a disastrous flood at Palitana caused
great loss of life and destruction of property. A relief
fund for alleviating the distress which ensued was imme-
diately opened, and steps to repair the damage were at
once taken by Major H. S. Strong, the officer administering
the State during the minority of the chief. In this year,
too. Major G. B. M. Sarel, 11th King Edward's Own
Lancers, succeeded Captain Kay as Inspecting Officer of
the Imperial Service Troops.

And this brings us to the present year, a.d. 1915, the
events of which are almost too recent to be called history.
On the outbreak of the great war in August, a.d. 1914,
the Kathiawad chiefs without exception proved their
loyalty by placing the whole of the resources of their
States at the disposal of the King-Emperor, while sub-
sequently H. H. Jam Ranjitsinhji of Nawanagar and Raj
Saheb Sir Amarsinhji of Wankaner themselves proceeded on
active service to France. This is indicative of the spirit
which now pervades the ancient land of Saurashtra.
Chiefs and people are united in a common cause, that of
progress and development under the fostering care of the
paramount Power. The British Government and the
chiefs work together in a mutual endeavour to increase the
prosperity of the people, and the keynote of the British
policy, so well responded to by all classes within the
peninsula, is that of mutual co-operation.

It seems but a short time since the Maratha armies
devastated the land year after year in an endeavour to

264

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THE PATH OF PROGRESS

collect as much wealth as possible. Not theirs the task
of advancing the interests and prosperity of the country
which owed them suzerainty, nor yet did the Mahomedans
for so many centuries before them attempt in any way
not impregnated with self-interest to increase the welfare
of their subject peoples. Throughout its history Sau-
rashtra has been torn and devastated by invasion and
discord, and to find any resemblance to the happy condi-
tions of the present day it is necessary to go back to the
times of Asoka Maurya, the great Indian Emperor, whose
thoughts were always turned towards the well-being of
the peoples over whom he ruled. The cycle of history
has again been turned, and it is only left to hope it will
now become permanently stationary.

Even within the last fifty years the advances along the
lines of modem civilization have been so numerous and
so diverse that it must indeed be hard for the people to
realize conditions under which present-day advantages
did not exist. A regular service of coasting steamers
now promotes trade between Kathiawad ports and all
parts of Asia and Africa. The Persian Gulf with its
many mercantile entrepots is continually visited by ships
from Jamnagar, Porbandar, Mangrol, and many other
ports, which carry goods from Saurashtra and return
laden with the produce of Persia and other countries.
No less remarkable is the development within the province.
Among capable and energetic rulers the Maharaja, H.H.
Sir Bhavsinhji, of Bhavnagar ranks high, and worthily
follows in the footsteps of his great ancestor, Wakhatsinhji
Gohel. His State is a model of efficiency and good
administration, and has been the subject of many enco-
miums of late years. No less excellently managed is
Gondal State, which has progressed almost beyond recog-
nition under the fatherly care of its ruler, Thakor Sir
Bhagwatsinhji. Its public buildings are numerous and
costly, and the Girassia College at the capital, opened in

265

-K

THE HISTORY OF KATHLA.WAD

A.D. 1898, is a monument to his Highness's efforts in the
cause of education. The principal object in the estabhsh-
ment of the College was to rescue a useful and important
class from the thraldom of ignorance, and to assist in
removing the impression prevalent throughout the province
that the interests of the chiefs and their Girassias always
ran counter to each other.

H.H. Sir Waghji of Morvi has spared no efforts and
expense in improving the conditions of his people, and
H.H. Jam Ranjitsinhji of Nawanagar is a ruler equally
as well known in England as in India. Dhrangadhra
State under its young ruler, H.H. Ghanshyamsinhji, is
continuing steadily in the path of progress. Of the second-
class States Wankaner, under its ruler Sir Amarsinhji, is
the largest and most important, and after it come Palitana,
Dhrol, Limbdi, Rajkot, and Wadhwan.

And now the past has been recounted and the present
discussed. The future is scarcely the work of the his-
torian and must be left to evolve itself. Let us go forward,
chiefs and people alike, in full confidence of what the
years will bring, and with the firm conviction that Sau-
rashtra will never again experience the times of turmoil
and continued invasion which so frequently assailed the
peninsula throughout the long period of time which
separated the great Asoka from the present era of pros-
perity.

Think in this battered caravanserai
Whose doorways are alternate night and day.
How Sultan after Sultan with his pomp
Abode his hour or two and went his way.

Omab Khayyam.

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APPENDICES

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APPENDIX I

EARLY MUSALMAN GOVERNORS OF GUJARAT

Ala-ud-din Khilji,
Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1295-1315.

Mahomed Taghlak,
Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1325-1351.

Firoz Taghlak,
Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1351-1388.

A.D. 1297. Alaf Khan.
A.D. 1318. Ain-ul-Mulk.
A.D. 1320. Taj-ul-Mulk.

Malik Mukbil.

Khwaja Jahan.
A.D. 1338. Malik Mukbil.
A.D. 1347. Moiz-ud-din.
A.D. 1351. Nizam-ul-Mulk.

A.D. 1371. Zufar Khan.

A.D. 1373. Darya Khan, who governed by
his deputy Shams-ud-din An-
war Khan.

A.D. 1376. Shams-ud-din Damghani.

A.D. 1376. Farhat-ul-Mulk.

A.D, 1391. Zufar Khan, who assumed inde-
pendence, and in a.d. 1403
threw off all allegiance to the
Emperor of Delhi, in a.d. 1407
being crowned Sultan of Gu-
jarat as Muzafar Shah I.

269

!i IS

f I"

11 t

APPENDIX II

THE SULTANS OF GUJARAT AND SAURASHTRA

Muzafar Shah I

Assiuned independence in a.i>. 1391

and openly threw off his allegiance to

Delhi in a.d. 1403

Tatar Khan
Did not rule

Ahmad Shah I
A J). 1411

Kai

Mahomed Karim Shah I
A.D. 1441

Kutab-ud-din
A.D. 1451

Daod Shah
A.D. 1459

Mahomed Shah Begarah
A.D. 1459

Muzafar Shah II
A.D. 1513

Latif Khan

(1) SikandarShah
A.D. 1526

Mahomed Khan III

A.D. 1536

died A.D. 1554

Muzafar Shah III

A.D. 1560

died A.D. 1592

Driven out by the

Moghal Emperor

Akbar of Delhi

(2) Nasir Khan
Mahomed II
A.D. 1526

(3) Bahadur Shah
A.D. 1526
Killed at Diu

Ahmad Shah II, a descendant of Ahmad,
A.D. 1554, by election on the death of Mahomed
Khan III. Assassinated a.d. 1560

270

wimmmmmmmm

wmm

APPENDIX III

THE MOGHAL VICEROYS OF GUJARAT AND

SAURASHTRA

Akbar,

A.D. 1573.

Mirza Aziz.

Emperor of Delhi.

A.D. 1575.

Mirza Khan.

A.D. 1573-1605.

A.D. 1577.

Shah ab-ud-din.

A.D. 1583.

Itimad Khan.

A.D. 1583.

Mirza Khan (Khan Khanan)

A.D. 1587.

Ismail Kuli Khan.

A.D. 1588.

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash.

A.D. 1592.

Sultan Murad Baksh.

A.D. 1600.

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash.

Jehangir,

A.D. 1606,

Kalij Khan.

Emperor of Delhi.

A.D. 1606.

Sayad Murtaza.

A.D. 1605-1627.

A.D. 1609.

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash.

A.D. 1611.

Abdulla Khan Firoz Jang.

A.D. 1616.

Mukarab Khan.

IT Shah

A.D. 1616.

Sultan Shah Jehan.

L526

A.D. 1622.

Sultan Dawar Baksh.

itDiu

A.D. 1624.

Saif Khan.

Shah Jehan,

A.D. 1627.

Sher Khan Tur.

aad.

Emperor of Delhi.

A.D. 1632.

Islam Khan.

aaed

A.D. 1627-1658.

A.D. 1632.

Bakar Khan.

A.D. 1633.

Sipahdar Khan.

A.D. 1633.

Saif Khan.

A.D. 1635.

Azam Khan.

A.D. 1642.

Isa Tar Khan.

A.D. 1644.

Sultan Mahomed Aurangzeb

A.D. 1646.

Shaistah Khan.

271

i 1
II ■'

+ !>

;:■■'

Aiirangzeb,

Emperor of Delhi.
' A.D. 1658-1707.

Bahadur Shah I,
Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1707-1712.

Jahandar Shah,
Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1712-1713.

Farukhsiyar,

Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1713-1719.

APPENDIX III

A.D. 1648. Sultan Mahomed Dara.
A.D. 1652. Shaistah Khan.
A.D. 1654. Sultan Murad Baksh.
A.D. 1657. Kasam Khan.

A.D. 1659. Shah Nawaz Khan Sagavi.

A.D. 1659. Rathod Jaswantsinhji.

A.D. 1662. Mahabat Khan.

A.D. 1668. Khan Jahan.

A.D. 1671. Maharaja Jaswantsinhji.

A.D. 1674. Mahomed Amin Khan.

A.D. 1683. Mukhtar Khan.

A.D. 1684. Shujat Khan (Kartalab Khan).

A.D. 1703. Sultan Mahomed.

A.D. 1705. Ibrahim Khan.

A.D. 1705. Sultan Mahomed Bedar Bakht.

A.D. 1706. Ibrahim Khan.

A.D. 1708. Ghazi-ud-din.
A.D. 1710. Amanat Khan (or Shahamat
Khan), Deputy Viceroy.

A.D. 1712. Asif-ud-daulah.

A.D. 1713. Shahamat Khan.
A.D. 1714. Daod Khan Panni.
A.D. 1715. Maharaja Ajitsinhji.
A.D. 1716. Khan Dauran Nasrat Jang Baha-
dur.

Rafia-ud-darjat, a.d. 1719. Maharaja Ajitsinhji.

Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1719.

Rafia-ud-daulah,
Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1720.

272

^mmmfm

APPENDIX III

Mahomed Shah,

A.D. 1721.

Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1721-1748.

A.D. 1722.
A.D. 1722.
A.D. 1723.
A.D. 1730.
A.D. 1733.

A.D. 1737.
A.D. 1737.
A.D. 1738.
A.D. 1743.
A.D. 1743.

lan).

A.D. 1743.
A.D. 1744.

kht.

Ahmad Shah,

A.D. 1748.

lamat

Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1748-1754.

Alamgir II,

Emperor of Delhi.
A.D. 1754-1759.

Haidar Kuli Khan.

Nizam-ul-Mulk.

Hamed Khan (deputy Viceroy).

Sar Buland Khan.

Maharaja Abhesinhji.

Ratansinha Bhandari (deputy

Viceroy).
Momin Khan.
Maharaja Abhesinhji.
Momin Khan.

Fida-ud-din (deputy Viceroy).
Abdul Aziz Khan, by a forged

order.
Muftahkir Khan.
Fakhr-ud-daulah.
( Jawan Mard Khan Babi, deputy

Viceroy).

Maharaja Wakhatsinhji, who
was the last Viceroy appointed
by the Imperial Court.

Baha-

273

APPENDIX IV

MAHOMED AN GOVERNORS AND FOUZDARS OF SORATH

A.D. 1472. Tatar Khan.

Mirza Khalil, afterwards Sultan Muzafar Shah II of
Gujarat.

Mahk Aiaz, died a.d. 1521.
A.D. 1556. Tatar Khan Ghori.
A.D. 1573 {circ). Amin Khan Ghori.
A.D. 1589 (circ). Daulat Khan Ghori.
A.D. 1592. Navrang Khan.

Sayad Kasim.
A.D. 1633. Isa Tar Khan, until a.d. 1642, when he became Viceroy

of Gujarat.
A.D. 1642. Inayat Ullah, son of Isa Tar Khan.
A.D. 1653. Kutab-ud-din.
A.D. 1665. Sardar Khan.
A.D. 1670. Sayad Diler Khan.
A.D. 1685. Sayad Mahomed Khad.

Shah Wardi Khan.
A.D. 1685. Sher Afghan Khan.
A.D. 1699 {circ). Mahomed Beg Khan.
A.D. 1704. Sarandaz Idan.
A.D. 1714. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji, who ruled by his deputy

Kayat Fatehsinhji.
A.D. 1714. Abdul Hamid Khan.
A.D. 1715. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji ; (Kayat Fatehsinhji,

deputy).
A.D. 1715. Roza Kuli Khan.
A.D. 1719. Abdul Hamed Khan.
A.D. 1721. Asad Kuli Khan (Amir-ul-Umrao) ; (Mahomed Sharif

Khan, deputy).
A.D. 1721. Asad Ali Khan.

274

iiiiillili

A.D. 1728.

A.D. 1733.

A.D. 1735.

A.D. 1737.

A.D. 1738.

APPENDIX IV

Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi,

deputy).
Ghulam Mahya-ud-din Khan ; (Mir Ismail, deputy).
Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi,

deputy).
Burhan-ul-Mulk ; (Sohrab Khan, deputy).
Sadak Ali (deputy Governor).
Mohsan Khan Khalwi.

Mir Hazabar Ali Khan ; (Mamu Khan, deputy).
Sher Khan Babi.
Himat Ali Khan ; (Sher Khan Babi, deputy). Sher

Khan Babi declared his independence, and in a.d. 1748

formally assumed the title of Nawab of Jimagadh.

;roy

I i

puty
ahji,

iarif

275

APPENDIX IV

MAHOMED AN GOVERNORS AND FOUZDARS OF SORATH

A.D. 1472. Tatar Khan.

Mirza Khalil, afterwards Sultan Muzafar Shah II of
Gujarat.

MaUk Aiaz, died a.d. 1521.
A.D. 1556. Tatar Khan Ghori.
A.D. 1573 (arc). Amin Khan Ghori.
A.D. 1589 {circ). Daulat Khan Ghori.
A.D. 1592. Navrang Khan.

Sayad Kasim.
A.D. 1633. Isa Tar Khan, until a.d. 1642, when he became Viceroy

of Gujarat.
A.D. 1642. Inayat UUah, son of Isa Tar Khan.
A.D. 1653. Kutab-ud-din.
A.D. 1665. Sardar Khan.
A.D. 1670. Sayad Diler Khan.
A.D. 1685. Sayad Mahomed Khad.

Shah Wardi Khan.
A.D. 1685. Sher Afghan Khan.
A.D. 1699 (circ). Mahomed Beg Khan.
A.D. 1704. Sarandaz Khan.
A.D. 1714. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji, who ruled by his deputy

Kayat Fatehsinhji.
A.D. 1714. Abdul Hamid Khan.
A.D. 1715. Maharaj Kumar Abhesinhji ; (Kayat Fatehsinhji,

deputy).
A.D. 1715. Roza Kuli Khan.
A.D. 1719. Abdul Hamed Khan.
A.D. 1721. Asad Kuli Khan (Amir-ul-Umrao) ; (Mahomed Sharif

Khan, deputy).
A.D. 1721. Asad Ali Khan.

274

APPENDIX IV

A.D. 1728. Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi,

deputy).
A.D. 1728. Ghulam Mahya-ud-din Khan ; (Mir Ismail, deputy).
A.D. 1728. Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi ; (Sher Khan Babi,

deputy).
A.D. 1733. Burhan-ul-Mulk ; (Sohrab Khan, deputy).
A.D. 1735. Sadak Ali (deputy Governor).
A.D. 1735. Mohsan IQian Khalwi.

A.D. 1737. Mir Hazabar Ali Khan ; (Mamu Khan, deputy).
A.D. 1738. Sher Khan Babi.
A.D. 1738. Himat Ali Khan ; (Sher Khan Babi, deputy). Sher

Khan Babi declared his independence, and in a.d. 1748

formally assumed the title of Nawab of Junagadh.

275

APPENDIX V

THE BABI RULERS OF JUNAGADH

Bahadur Khan Babi
A.D. 1630-1654

Sher Klian, Thanadar of Chunwal
A.D. 1654^1690

Mahomed
Mubariz Khan

Mahomed
Muzafar Khan

Jaf ar Khan

(or Safdar Khan)

Deputy Governor

of Godhra

A.D. 1690-1725

Shahbaz Elian

Salabat Mahomed Khan

A.D. 1725-1730
Governor of Viramgam

Khan Jahan
(Jawan Mard Khan)

of Radhanpur

A.D. 1716

killed A.r>. 1729 Mahomed Bahaiim- (Sher Khan)

A.D. 1730-1758

Nawab Mahabat Khan I
A.D. 1758-1775

Nawab Hamed Khan I

A.D. 1775-1811

Mahomed Sher

Nawab Hamed

Khan II
A.D. 1840-1851

Nawab Bahadur Kban I
A.D. 1811-1840

Nawab Sir Mahabat Khan II,

K.C.S.I.

A.D. 1851-1882

Sher Khan

Nawab Su- Bahadiu:

Khan II, G.C.I.E.

A.D. 1882-1892

Nawab Su- Rasul Klian,

G.C.S.I., born 1858

A.D. 1892-1911

EdalKhan
bom 1867

I I

Sherjuman Khan Nawab Mahabat Khan III
died A.D. 1911-

276

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APPENDIX VIII

THE JETHWAS OF PORBANDAR (ALSO KNOWN AS

JETWAD).

All accounts of the Jethwa genealogy differ greatly and variously.
Colonel Watson records that in one account, 1048 regular descents
are shown, and in another, 178 ! So many additions have appa-
rently been made by Bards that it is impossible to determine
what is genuine and what is not. The son of Hanuman, Makardh-
waja, is supposed to have been the first Jethwa, and the tribe
probably entered Saurashtra about the year a.d. 1000. The
relationship from Rana to Rana cannot be ascertained, and so it
is impossible to construct a " tree " until after the beginning of
the sixteenth century.

Sanghji

A.D. 1120.

Ranoji

A.D. 1150.

Nagji

A.D. 1155.

Bharmalji

A.D. 1170.

Bhanji

A.D. 1172.

Meji

A.D. 1179.

Nagji

A.D. 1190.

Vikioji

A.D. 1193,

Wajsiji

A.D. 1220.

Bhojrajji

A.D. 1245.

Ramdeji

A.D. 1270.

Ranoji

A.D. 1291.

Nagji

A.D. 1302.

Bhanji

A.D. 1307,

during whose time the Jethwas were
expelled from Morvi.

during whose reign in a.d. 1313
Ghumli was overthrown by Jade j a
Bamanioji. Ranpur now became
the Jethwa capital.
281

APPENDIX VIII

Jasdhulji, a.d. 1860
Ranoji, a.d. 1392
Sanghji, a.d. 1420
Bhanji, a.d. 1461
Ranoji, a d. 1492

Khimoji, nephew of Ranoji, a.d. 1525

Ramdeji, a.d. 1550-1574

Bhanji, a.d. 1674

Khimori, a.d. 1574-1626 Bhojrajji of Morana
who founded Chhaya

Jethiji of Rojhan

Vikmatji, a.d. 1626-1671 Karandji of Pandavadar
Sultanji, a.d, 1671-1699

Bhanji
A.D. 1699-1709

Sagramji of
SisU

Hajoji of
Bardia

Knmbhoji of
Wachodu

Khimoji, a.d. 1709-1728

Vikmatji, a.d. 1728-1757 Jijibhai of Kindarkeda

Sultanji
A.D. 1757-1804, who removed his capital to Porbandar in
A.D. 1785. Deposed. Died a.d. 1813

Haloji
A.D. 1804-1812

Adabhai of
Parawara

Wajesmhji of
Kimwadar

Abhesinhji of
Katwanu

Prathiraj (or Khimoji)
A.D. 1813-1831

Vikmatji (or Bhojrajji)
A.D. 1831-1886, when he was deposed
Died A.D. 1900

Ramsinhji of
Shiinagar

Madhavsinhji
Died A.D. 1869

I
Pratapsmhji of Adatiana

d.s.p. 1873

Bhavsinhji, a.d. 1900-1908

Natwarsinhji, a.d. 1908-
282

Hamirsinhji of
Bapodar

Wajesinhji

imp

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APPENDIX X

Political Agents in Kathiawad. (The designation was changed
in A.D. 1902 to " Agent to the Governor of Bombay in Kathiawad.")

Captain R. Bamewall .
D. A. Blane, Esquire .
J. P. Willoughby, Esquire
J. Erskine, Esquire

D. A. Blane, Esquire
A. Malet, Esquire
Colonel W. Lang
Captain J. T. Ban
Colonel R. H. Keatinge, V.C.
Colonel W. W. Anderson
S. B. Peile, Esquire
Colonel L. C. Barton .
Colonel E. W. West .
Colonel J. W. Watson .

E. C. K. OUivant, Esquire, CLE.
(afterwards Sir Charles OUivant,
Jv.v/.X.Jii.) ....

Lieut. -Colonel J. M. Hunter, C.S.I.
Lieut.-Colonel W. P. Kennedy
P. S. V. FitzGerald, Esquire, C.S.I.
C. H. A. ffiU, Esquire, C.S.I., CLE.
J. Sladen, Esquire

A.D. 1820-1826
A.D. 1828-1831
A.D. 1831-1835
A.D. 1836-1839
A.D. 1840-1841
A.D. 1842-1845
A.D. 1845-1859
A.D. 1859-1862
A.D. 186a-1867
A.D. 1867-1874
A.D. 1874-1878
A.D. 1878-1883
A.D. 1883-1885
A.D. 1886-1889

A.D. 1890-1895
A.D. 1896-1901
A.D. 1901-1906
A.D. 1906-1908
A.D. 1908-1912
A.D. 1912

Principals of the Rajkumar College :

Chester Macnaghten, Esquire
C W. Waddington, Esquire .
C J. W. Mayne, Esquire

285

A.D. 1871-1896
A.D. 1896-1903
A.D. 1903

APPENDIX X

Judicial Assistants to the Agent to the Governor :

C. A. Kincaid, Esquire
H. D. Randall, Esquire
G. D. French, Esquire
L. Graham, Esquire .

A.D. 1902
A.D. 1906

A.D. 1911
A.D. 1914

Inspecting Officers, Imperial Service Troops :
Captain A. W. Forbes . . . a.d. 1890

Captain W. J. Peyton, C.M.G
Captain J. Talbot
Captain F. Adams .
Captain H. C. Kay
Major G. B. M. Sarel .

A.D. 1896
A.D. 1900
A.D. 1905
A.D. 1910
A.D. 1913

286

APPENDIX XI

POLITICAL AGENTS IN CHARGE OF PRANTS SINCE

A.D. 1902

Halar :

C. C. Watson, Esquire .
J. E. B. Hotson, Esquire
F. W. Allison, Esquire
Major F. W. Wodehouse
Major H. G. Camegy .
Captain W. Beale
Captain H. W. Berthon
Captain F. de B. Hancock
Major W. M. P. Wood .
Major C. F. Harold

Sorath :

Captain J. R. B. G. Carter
Captain W. Beale
F. W. Allison, Esquire
Major H. G. Camegy .
O. Rothfeld, Esquire .
F. W. Allison, Esquire
Captain W. M. P. Wood
F. W. Allison, Esquire
R. G. Gordon, Esquire
F. W. Allison, Esquire
Major J. K. Condon
Major H. W. Berthon
Major J. R. B. G. Carter
Lieut. H. Wilberforce-Bell
Major T. A. F. R. Oldfield

287

. A.D. 1902

. A.D. 1903

. A.D. 1908

. A.D. 1904

. A.D. 1905

. A.D. 1907

. A.D. 1908

. A.D. 1912

. A.D. 1918

. A.D. 1902

. A.D. 1904

. A.D. 1905

. A.D. 1907

. A.D. 1909

. A.D. 1912

. A.D. 1914

■Wf"WpBI«IB^»B!Wf!«!pW!W^^

APPENDIX X

Judicial Assistants to the Agent to the Governor :

C. A. Kineaid, Esquire
H. D. Rendall, Esquire
G. D. French, Esquire
L. Graham, Esquire .

A.D. 1902
A.D. 1906
A.D. 1911
A.D. 1914

Inspecting Officers, Imperial Service Troops :
Captain A. W. Forbes . . . a.d. 1890

Captain W. J. Peyton, C.M.G
Captain J. Talbot
Captain F. Adams ,
Captain H. C. Kay
Major G. B. M. Sarel .

A.D. 1896
A.D. 1900
A.D. 1905
A.D. 1910
A.D. 1913

286

APPENDIX XI

POLITICAL AGENTS IN CHARGE OF PRANTS SINCE

A.D. 1902

Halar :

Sorath :

287

A.D. 1902

A.D. 1908

A.D. 1904

A.D. 1905

A.D. 1907

A.D. 1908

A.D. 1912

A.D. 1918

. A.D. 1902

A.D. 1904

. A.D. 1904

A.D. 1904

. A.D. 1904

A.D. 1904

A.D. 1905

. A.D. 1907

. A.D. 1909

A.D. 1912

. A.D. 1914

APPENDIX XI

Jahlawad :

Major H. D. Merewether

A.D. 1902

Captain W. Beale

A.D. 1903

Colonel J. S. Ashby

A.D. 1903

Major H. D. Merewether

A.D. 1903

Captain W. Beale

A.D. 1904

Lieut. -Colonel J. Davies

A.D. 1905

Major F. W. Wodehouse

A.D. 1906

Major N. S. CoghiU .

A.D. 1908

Major W. M. P. Wood .

A.D. 1911

Major C. F. Harold

A.D. 1912

Lieut. -Colonel J. R. B. G. Carter .

A.D. 1913

W. C. Tudor-Owen, Esquire

A.D. 1914

\'( I

■1

ill

Gohelwad :

(This Prant was abolished between January
ber 1904 a.d.)

O. Rothfeld, Esquire .
W. C. Tudor-Owen, Esquire
Captain H. W. Berthon
Major F. W. Wodehouse
Major W. Beale .
Major H. W. Berthon .
Major H. S. Strong
Lieut. -Colonel J. Davies
Major H. S. Strong
Captain A. S. Meek
W. P. Cowie, Esquire

288

1903 and Decem-

A.D. 1904
A.D. 1905
A.D. 1905
A.D. 1906
A.D. 1907
A.D. 1908
A.D. 1909
A.D. 1910
A.D. 1911
A.D. 1912
A.D. 1914

APPENDIX XII

THE STATES OF THE FIRST THREE CLASSES IN
KATHIAWAD AND THEIR RULERS, a.d. 1914

First Class :

1. Junagadh

2. Nawanagar .

3. Bhavnagar .

4. Porbandar

5. Dhrangadhra

6. Morvi .

7. Gondal.

Second Class :

1. Wankaner

2. Palitana

3. Dhrol .

4. Limbdi

5. Rajkot .

6. Wadhwan

Third Class :

1. Lakhtar

2. Sayla .

3. Chuda .

4. Wala .

5. Jasdan .

6. Manavadar

7. Thana Devli

8. Wadia .

H.H. Mahabat Khanji (minor), Nawab of

H.H. Ranjitsinhji, Jam Saheb of

H.H. Sir Bhavsinhji, K.C.S.I., Maharaja of

H.H. Natwarsinhji, Rana of

H.H. Ghanshyamsinhji, Raj Saheb of

H.H. Sir Waghji, G.C.I.E., Thakor

Saheb of
H.H. Sir Bhagwatsinhji, G.C.I.E., LL.D.,

M.D., Thakor Saheb of

Raj Saheb Sir Amarsinhji, K.C.I.E., of
Thakor Saheb (minor), Bahadursinhji of
Thakor Saheb Daulatsinhji of
Thakor Saheb Daulatsinhji of
Thakor Saheb Lakhaji Raj of
Thakor Saheb Jaswatsinhji of

Thakor Saheb Karansinhji, C.S.L, of
Thakor Saheb Wakhatsinhji, C.S.I., of
Thakor Saheb Jorawarsinhji of
Thakor Saheb Wakhatsinhji of
Khachar Shri Vajsur Odha, Chief of
Khan Shri Fatehdin Khanji, Chief of
Wala Shri Laxman Meram, CLE., Chief of
Wala Shri Bava Jivna, Chief of

289

APPENDIX XIII

1 i

THE PORTUGESE GOVERNORS OF DIU FROM
A.D. 1535-1548, AND FROM a.d. 1900-1914

A.D. 1535. Manuel Caetano de Sousa, Captain.

A.D. 1538. Antonio da Silveira e Menezes, Captain.

A.D. 1542. Manuel de Sousa de Sepulveda, Captain.

A.D. 1546. Dom Joao de Mascarenhas, Captain.

* * * * *

A.D. 1900. Joao Herculano Rodrigues de Moura, Captain, Royal

Navy.
A.D. 1907, Carlos d' Almeida Pessanha, Captain of Cavalry.
A.D. 1908, Joao de Freitas Branco, Major of Infantry.
A.D. 1911. Augusto de Paiva Bobela Mota, Lieutenant, National

Fleet.
A.D. 1912. Raul Femandes Correa do Amaral, Lieutenant,

National Fleet.

290

The following works have been consulted by the author, for the
valuable aid acquired through reading all of which he desires to
express his humble acknowledgments :

((

The Early History of India," by Vincent Smith.

Indian Chronology," by Miss Duff.

Albinmi's India."

Indian Antiquities " (vol. xv).

Journals of the Royal Asiatic Society," 1890, 1899.

Saurashtra no Itihas," by Bhagwanlal Sampatram.

Archaeological Survey of Western India," vol. ii (Burgess).

Tarikh-i-Sorath," by Dewan Ranchodji Amarji.

The History of Gujarat," by Sir Edward Bayley.

Gazetteers " of Kathiawad States, by Colonel J. W. Watson.

Forty Years of the Rajkumar College," by H.H. Sir Bhav-

sinhji, K.C.S.I., Maharaja of Bhavnagar.

The Outlaws of Kathiawar," by C. A. Kincaid, C.V.O.

The Ras Mala," by Kinloch Forbes, I.C.S.

The Author offers his thanks to the Junagadh andDhrangadhra
States for photographs, and to Bhavnagar State for photographs
and the reproductions from the frescoes at Sihor, given for inclusion
in this work. To the India Office, also, for permission to publish the
map of Kathiawad, the Author's acknowledgments are due.

The photograph of Diu and the list of Portugese Governors have
been supplied by the courtesy of the Consul-(Jeneral for Portugal
at Bombay, and of His Excellency the Governor of Diu.

291

Ir «;i

iilpiiillll^^

INDEX

: ;

I ill

-Ml

INDEX

Abda, Jam, 67

Abdul Hamid Khan, 122

Abdul Rahaman Al Marri, 41

Abdur Rahman Krori, 120

Abhesinhji, Fouzdar of Sorath, 122

" Abhir," 53

Abhyesinhji, son of Chandrasinhji, 113

Abhyesinhji, son of Bajoji Jhala, 113

Abpura Hills, outlaws of the, 215-16

Abu Sheluksr, 154

Abubakar, outlaw, 242

Achhuba, Rani, 196, 198

Adamji Pirbhoy, 255

Adams, Captain F., 261

Aden, 92, 100

Adil Khan Babi, 143

Adri, village of, 138, 139

Agatrai, village of, 160

Agnihotra, 45

Agra, 96

Ahers tribe, the, 48, 53, 58-59

" Ahiriya " people, the, 53

Ahmad Khan (Ahmad Shah II), 103

Ahmad Shah, 75, 76, 78, 80, 103

Ahmadabad, 75, 76 ; rule of Mahomed
Begarah, 82, 85, 86, 88 ; conquest by
the Emperor of Delhi, 103-4 ; capture
by the Marathas, 104, 131-32 ; attack
by Muzafar Shah, 106 ; Jehangir's
dislike to. Ill ; Sadul Khasia imprisoned
at, 209

Ajatasatru, King of Magadh, 10, 30

Aji River, 3

Ajitsinhji of Marwar, 122

Ajitsinhji, Sir, of Dhrangadhra, 255, 261,
262

Ajitsinhji Rathod of Jodhpur, 119

Ajmer, 61, 260

Ajoji, son of Jam Satarsal, 108, 109

Ajoji, son of Rajodharji JThala, 87-88

Akbar, Emperor, toleration of, 76 ; re-
duction of Sorath, 104-7 ; death. 111

Akherajji Gohel, 116, 137-8, 140-41;
refusal of Talaja, 138, 166

Akherajji, grandson of Wagesinhji, 212

Al Biruni, description of Somnath, 59-60,

62
Al Mansur, Khalif, 40
Ala Khuman, sons of, 108-70

Alaf Khan, Saurashtra plundered by, 71

Alamgir II, Emperor, attack on the
Marathas, 131-32

Ala-ud-din Khilji, 71

Albert Victor, Port, 244

Albuquerque, Alfonso da, expeditions to
India, 91-93

Alexander the Great, invasion of India by,
8-10, 67-68

Ali Khan Ataji, 159

Alidad, outlaw, 242-43

Alikasudara, 20

Aliya Hathi of Malia, 159

Almeida, Dom Francisca da, 92

Amarji, Dewan of Junagadh, career of,
133-41 ; retirement and conquest of
Sutrapada, 142 ; conquest of Positra,
142-43, 150 ; defeat of Jiwaji Shamraj,
144-45 ; defence of BethaU, 145 ;
death of, 146-48 ; the Bethali affair,
150 ; sons of, 156 ; his relatives im-
prisoned, 157-58 ; villages given to
family of, 184 ; Dewanship made here-
ditary in his family, 194

Amarsinhji Jhala, appeal to the British,
201

Amarsinhji of Wankaner, in France, 262-64,
266

Amarsinhji, son of Chandrasinhji, 112, 113,
116-17

Amba, 198

Ambaldi, village of, 207

Amin Khan Ghori of Junagadh, 105-108

Amin Saheb, 156, 162

Amran, 125, 157, 197

Amrapur, 256

Amrat, Rao of Baroda, 144

Amreli, 144-45, 198, 199, 256 ; captured
by Ranchodji, 164 ; raided by Kathis,
185 ; headquarters of the Gaekwad,
188, 192-93, 198, 207 ; the negotiations
at, 191-92 ; British assistant to Resident
appointed, 216
Amru bin Jamal, 40

Anand Rao, Gaekwad of Baroda, 176
Anandpur, 151, 256
Anangpal, Ki^g-of-Delhi, 50
Anantji Amarchand, Dewan of Junagadh,
212-13

' 295

ii ;

INDEX

; 1

h ',

) M

iiTi

Anarta, 6, lO, 25, 26

Anderson, Colonel, political agent, 214, 217,
222, 229 ; speech of, 224-27

Andhra, 29

Angas, ruling of the, 19

Anhilwad, Chaoras of, 56-57 ; incursion
of Mahmad, 61 ; the gateway taken by
Khenear II, 65, 68-69 ; decline of the
SolanMs, 70 ; plundered by Jalesari, 71

Animal life, sparing of, under the edicts
of Asoka, 13-14, 18

Ankleshwar, 121

Antahana, 20

Antiochus, 14

Anup-Nivrit, 25

Anwar Khanji of Bantwa, 229

Aparanta, 25

Arabian Sea, 1, 2

Arabs, invasion of India by, 40-41 ;
rebellion in Junagadh, siege of the
Uparkot, 136 ; in the Barda Hills,
145-46 ; revolt against the Nawab,
158-61 ; revolt of the Kandoma Arabs,
196-97 ; revolt in Mahuva, 211

Arambhara, 85

Arhat Atharya, the, 42

Arthila, sacked by Mandlik III, 79-80

Askaranji, son of Chandrasinhji, 112-13,
116

Asoka, Emperor, reign of, 9, 11-12, 24 ;
death of, 21, 29 ; Indian affairs after
his death, 29 ; pillars to Buddha erected
by, 41

Asoka Stone, the, at Junagadh, 9, 11 ;
translation of the edicts, 12—21 ; record
of the bursting of the Sudarsana Lake,
23—26, 32 ; inscription referring to the
restoration of the Sudarsana Lake,
translation, 32-36

Aston, Colonel, 194

Atithi, 45

Atkot, 151, 161

Aurangzeb, Emperor of Delhi, 119, 120

Avanti, country of, 25

Awaratyas, the, marriage customs, G8, 186

Azam Khan, subjugation of Jam Lakhaji,
115-16

Babaji Apaji, Dewan of Baeoda, siege
of, Wanthali, 164 ; advance on Sihor,
176-77 ; tribute collecting expedition,
178-81 ; advance against Kandorna,
182-83 ; support of Rewashankar, 184

Babariahadar, 198

Babi Family, the, in Saurashtra, 125-27

Babra town, 151 ; Kathis of, 170 ; out-
laws at, 247

Babria country, 58

Babriahadhar, 176

Babriawad, 64, 141, 256

" Babriyas," the, 54

296

Babylon, 10

Bactria, the Saka dynasty, 23

Bagasra, 69, 256

Bahadur Khan, father of Sher Khan, 126

Bahadur Khan, Nawab of Junagadh and
the Kathis, 186 ; relations with the
British Government, 190-94

Bahadur Khanji, son of Mahabat Khanji,
succeeded 1882, 238 ; Nawab of Juna-
gadh G.C.I.E., 245 ; death, 249-50

Bahadur Shah II, relations with the
Portugese, 94-99 ; death, 99, 101-2

Bahadur Sheikh Kamrud-din, Khan, 217

Bahadursinhji, visit to England, 263

Bahaka Ahiru, Senapati, 27

" Baharwatia," 199, 209

Baharwatias, the, 202-3

Baiones Insula, the, 5

Balambha, 125, 149, 152, 157, 197

Baldeo, 6-7

Baldhoi, 246

Balidana, 45

Ballantyne, Captain, 194

Bamanioji, Jam, 50

Bantwa, 127, 143, 144, 160, 256

Bappa, a priest, 43, 45

" Barake," identification of, 4, 5

" Barbars," the, 54

Barbatana, 198

Barda, 256

Barda Choki, army headquarters at, 217

Barda Hills, the, 2, 4, 49, 50, 54, 107, 109,
110, 145-46, 156, 210, 231

Bardasdma, 4

Bamewall, Captain, first British political
agent in Kathiawad, 197-98 ; expedi-
tion of, 199—200 ; promise to Wagesinhji,
205 ; retirement, 207

Baroda, inscriptions at, 42 ; position of,
176 ; British Resident appointed, 176 ;
two assistants to Resident appointed,
216

Baroda, Gaekwad of, revenue of, 131 ;
seeks help of Raghunyati, 163-64 ;
terms with the British Govenmient, 178,
188-89; tribute due to, 182-83;
Dwarka placed under his control, 211 ;
and the Waghers, 215

Barr, Colonel, political agent, 212-14

Barton, Colonel L. C, political agent in
Kathiawad, 215, 235

Barton, Lieutenant, 215

Barwala, 151

Bassein Treaty, terms, 176, 183, 194

Bawa Raning, exploits of, 202, 210

Bawajiraj, 229

Begarah, Mahomed, conquest of Saurash-
tra, 80-84 ; subjugation of Jagat, 84-86 ;
and the island of Diu, 90 ; his offer to
the Portugese, 92 ; and Malik Aiaz, 93

Behar, 10, 90

lipipllliiiplp

ipi

INDEX

!6
Lnd

the

iji,
na-

the

7
109,

lical
edi-
ihji,

of,
76;
ted,

31;

■64;
178,
«3;
111;

b in

ash-
-86;
r to
93

Benares, 226

Bethali affair, the, 150

Bethali, fort of, 145

Bhadar River, 2-3, 146

Bhadli, 113

Bhadrapada, 26-27

Bhadrapattanaka, 43

Bhagavan, devotees of, 44

Bhagavan Veda Vyasa, quoted, 46

Bhagwatsinhji Thakor of Gondal, 235,
243-44, 250, 253, 259, 262, 265-66

Bhamodra, 207-8

Bhan Khachar of Bhadli, 200

Bhandari, 53

Bhanwad Fort, 156, 198

Bhartradaman, son of Rudrasena, 28

Bhatias, the, of Jesalmir, 99

Bhattarka of the Maitraka clan, 37-38

Bhattarka, Shri Senapati, 45

Bhavnagar, 2, 38, 124, 137, 164, 180, 256 ;
rivalry with Gogha, 127-28 ; Morarji
at, 161-62 ; Kathi attacks on, 172-73,
175, 198; settlement of, 183-89;
Junagadh's claim on, 212 ; salute
for the Thakor of, 221 ; Darbars of
1877, 232-34; railway to Wadhwan,
237 ; visit of Prince Albert Victor, 244 ;
offer of troops from, 245 ; Darbar 1891,
246 ; area, 257 ; visit of Sir George
Clarke, 262 ; efficiency of, 265

Bhavnagar Museum, copper plates in the,
43

Bhavsinhji, son of Wajesinhji, 208

Bhavsinhji, Gohel chief, son of Ratanji,
defence of Sihor, 123-24 ; reputation
of, 127-28, 135

Bhavsinhji, Rana of Porbandar, 255, 259,
261

Bhavsinhji, Thakor of Bhavnagar, 252,
259-60, 261-63, 265

Bhawan Ehawas, battle of Pardhari, 152,
153 ; sons, 157

Bhaya Wala, 170

Bhayats, the, 230

Bhayawadar, town of, 100

Bherai, 5

Bherai harbour, 5

Bhils tribe, the, 48, 51, 54

Bhim Godel of Arthila, 79

Bhimadeo flight from Mahmud, 61, 62 ;
Somnath rebuilt by, 63-64

Bhimaraja, Raja of Dwarka, 86

Bhimora, village of, 160

Bhismak, 7

Bhnavajar territory, Kathi raids on, 206

Bhoira, Fort of, 65, 171 ; fortress de-
stroyed by Khengar II, 69

Bhoja, son of Ala Khuman, 168-69

Bhola Dhankhado, 167, 174

Bhumaka, Emperor, 28

" Bhumia," title of, 233, 234

Bhupatsinha, son of i^amandlik, 84

Bhuwad, King, 51

Biawal 99

Bilkha,' town of, 82, 186, 263

Bindusara, son of Chandragupta, 11

Blane, Mr., political agent, 207

Blood ceremonies, 53—54

Bodhi Sattvas Gunamati, the, 42

Bombay, visit of Prince Albert Victor, 244

" Bombay Duck," 187

Bombay, University of, 243

Booth, Mr, Robert, 225, 228

Botad, 170

Brahmacharis Visakha, priest, 45

Brahmanism favoured by Asoka, 12 ; in
Walabhi, 42 ; in Saurashtra, 48-49

Brahmans, ascetics and, gifts by rulers
of Asoka, 14-15, 16, 17, 18

Brahmans, Nagar, ability of, 236-37

Brihaspati, 44

British Government, influence in] Western
India, relations with Akherajji, 137-38 ;
attack on Talaja, 140-41 ; friendship
with Wakhatsinhji, 168, 176; treaty
with the Peshwa of Poona 1802, 176 ;
entry into Kathiawad, 177-81 ; opera-
tions against the Waghers, 216-220

Broach, 22, 95, 106, 223

Buchar Mori, battle of, 108-9, 113-14

Buda Pesth, Congress of Hygiene at, 250

Buddha, Gautama, 10, 30, 41

Buddhism, Chinese pilgrimage to India,
8-9 ; rise of, 10 ; favoured by Asoka,
12, 20 ; missionaries of, 13 ; in Walabhi,
42 ; in Saurashtra, 48—49 ; monasteries,
55

Budhna, 172

Butwadar, village of, 217

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, 91

Calicut, 91, 92

Cambay, 94, 95, 96, 166; burnt by the
Portugese, 101 ; trade of, 124 ; Nawab
of, and the British Government, 137-42

Cambay, Gulf of, 1, 2, 3, 5

Cambridge Uni\rersity, 250

Camac, Captain, 191, 192

Camegy, Major, 260

Castro, Dom Joao da, 101

Ceylon, Buddhism introduced into, 13 ;
identity with Diu, 89

Chachai Hill, 216

Chaitibu, 213

Chakrapalita, 32, 34-36

Chalukya tribe, 56

Champa ELhuman, 201

Champaner, 80, 234

Champraj Wala of Charkha, 207 ; sen-
tence on, 209

Chanchapur in Morvi State, 247

Chand Ghori, 150

297

i'i- "• ■ '»

INDEX

; ^i\

Chandra, 44

Chandra Gupta Maurya, career of, 10-11

Chandra Gupta II, 31-32

Chandrasinhji Jhala, attacks -of Jam Jasaji,

111-12 ; sons of, 112-13, 116-17, 119-

20
Chaoras tribe, 48, 51-52, 54, 56-57, 70
Charakhadi, village of, 124-25
Chastana Mahakshatrapa, 24
Chashtana Baja, Muhakhastrapa Swami,

27
Chashtana, son of Syamotika, 28
Chashtana, Swami, 27
Chashtana, Viceroy of Vilivayhura II,

29-30
Chaul, Portugese defeat at, 90-93
Chela Khachar of Jasdan, 200
Chhaya, fort of, 50, 99, 123, 190
Chinese pilgrims to India, 9
Ching-liang-pu, 41
Chlrbira, a messenger, 46
Chital, Kathi fort, capture by Wakhat-

singhji, 170 ; restored to Kathis, 175-

76 ; Kathis of, 178, 185, 186, 199-200,

256
Chitor, 63, 88, 96
Chitrasar, 58
Chola, 13
Chorwad, 96, 152 ; the Jagirdar of, 159 ;

meeting of Arabs, 161 ; surrender to

Kanchodji, 163
Chotila, 151, 256
Chu River, 23
Chuda, 66, 113, 258
Chuda, KEimdar of, pursuit of outlaws,

258-59
Chuda Ra, 54-55
Chudasama Ras, 4, 54-56, 65, 68, 79, 80,

84
Chunval, 126
Chura, village of, 209
Clarke, Sir <^orge (afterwards Lord Syden-
ham), Governor of Bombay, 261-62
Cochin, 91
Coining of money, privilege granted to

the Jadejas, 115 ; the mint at Nawan-

agar, 232
Coins, early Greek, in Western India, 22
Constantius, 89
Copper-plates, grants of land by means

of, 9 ; inscriptions on, 38-39 ; in the

Bhavnagar Museum, translation, 43-46
Coronation Memorial Hospital for Women

and Children at Junagadh, 263
Coulson, Mr., sent to Junagadh, 213-14
Crutchley, Colonel, 193
Cunha, Nuno da. Viceroy of Portugese

India, 97
Curzon, Lord, of Kedleston, visit to

Kathiawad, 255
Cyrene, Bud(^usm in, 13

298

Dabbhalim, Govebkoe op Pbabbas
Patan, 62

Dada Elachar of Akhot, 151

Dafedar Khamrudin Hidayat Ali, 259

Dafedar Mahomed Shakir, 247-48

Daghoji Raizadah, 160

Daiya, village of, 125

Daji of Gondal, 151-52

Dajiraj of Wadhwan, 229

Dakshamitra, 30

Dakshinapatha, 25

Dalkhania, outlaw retreat, 139-40

Dalpatram, Dewan, 130

Damajada, son of Damasena, 28

Damajada, son of Rudradaman, 28

Damaji, Gaekwad, 127

Daman, Rudra (Raja Mahakshapatra
Rudra Daman), 24

Damaripataka, village of, 45

Damasena, son of Rudrasinha, 28

Damodarji Tank, the, in Saurashtra, 12

Danta Kotila of Dedan, 168

Darwin, his theory of evolution, cited, 49

Dasada, 94

Dasaratha, King, 21

Datar, hill of, 2

Daud Khan, Viceroy of Gujarat, 122

Daulat Khan Ghori of Junagadh, 108, 109

Daulatsinhji, Thakor, of Limbdi, 262

Dauta Kotila of Dedan, 200

Deccan, the, Musalman rulers in, 48

Dedan, 168, 199

Delhi, Kings of, 48, 50 ; seized by Ala-
ud-din ; conquest by Timur, 74-75 ;
Emperors of. 111 ; decline of Moghul
rule in Saurashtra, 131 ; the Darbar of
1877, 232 ; Darbar of 1903, 259 ; Dar-
bar of 1911, 262-63

Delwada, 146

Deoli, 95

Depla, village of, 208

Desalji, Rao, 125

Deva Manik, 216, 218

Devaiyat and Ra Noghan, 58-59

" Deims," name appuied to the Bhils, 54

Devra, fort of, 146, 147

Devyashray, the, cited, 56

Dewaji, Jadeja, of Gondal, 163

Dewasa, fort of, 139

Dhama Chaora, 100

Dhandhalpur, 162, 175

Dhandhuka, the Gohel's rights in, 183 ;
tribute remitted, 194 ; claims of the
Mamlatdar, 212 ; jurisdiction of, 222 ;
bandits of, 256, 258

Dhandhusar, inscriptions at, 55, 157

Dhark, 49, 51, 52

Dharai, near Monpur, 78

Dharangadhra, 233

Dharapatta, Bhattarka, 39

Dharasena I, eldest son of Bhattarka, 38

INDEX

Dharasena II, son of Guhaeena, 39, 43

Dharasena III, son of Kharagraha, 39

Dharasena IV, son of Dhruvasena II, 39

Dharasena, Maharaja Shri, 46

Dharasena Shri Senapati, 44-45

Dhari, 38, 216

DhanJsa, village of, 205

Dhasa, 175

Dhensara, 155

Dhola, railway from, 237

Dhoraji, 100, 141, 146, 148, 197, 203;
sold by Sher Khan, 131 ; railway of,
237, 244 ; the famine of 1899, 255

Dhrafa, 217

Dhrangadhra, 66, 86, 149 ; Jhala Raisinhji
at, 125 ; taken by Sheshabhai, 131 ;
attacked by Sadashiv Bamchandra,
132 ; capital of the Jhalas, 152 ; op-
position to Banchodji, 164 ; Koli
descent on, 201 ; famine of 1899, 254-55 ;
salute for Raj of, 221 ; railways from,
253; area, 257; Darbar 1903, 259;
efficiency of, 266

Dhrol, 100. 102, 108, 111, 256, 266;
settlement of, 184

Dhrumath, the outlaws at, 251-52

Dhruvabhatta, 41-42

Dhruvasena I, 39

Dhruvasena II, 39, 40

Dhruvasena III, 39

Dhruvasena, Maharaja Shri, 44

Dhunoji Gohel of Sihor, 113-14

Dibsans, the, 89

Dihor, 206

Din Mahomed, outlaw, 242

Dinpanah Mahomed, see Begarah

Diu, Island of, Portugese established on,
88-99, 187, 256 ; Bahadur Shah at, 94 ;
Turkish attack on, 100-101 ; attack
by Khoja Zulgar, 101 ; Arab invasion,
1670, 118 ; under Mahomedan rule, 120 ;
death of Kalien Sheth at 163 ; Captain
Grant at, 202

Diva Kotta (Diva Pattana), 89

Divaei or Diveni, the, 89

Dolia, railway from, 244

Dolti, village of, 207

Dronasinha, son of Bhattarka, character
of, 38-39

Dronasinha, Maharaja Shri, 44

Duda Gohel, 79-80

DufEerin, Lord, at Patiala, 245

Dula Baj, 68

Dullabhji, 142, 147, 159-60

Dungarshi Devshi, Dewan of Junagadh,
213, 214

Duryodhan, 67

Dwarka, town of, 4-7, 76 ; pilgrims to,
7, 79, 102 ; library, stone inscriptions
in, 27 ; expedition of Mandlik III against,
79 ; subjugation by Mahomed Begarah,

84-86 ; Muzafar's flight to, 110 ; out-
rages by the Waghers, 154, 211, 215 ;
British assistant to Resident appointed,
216; railways to, 262

Dwarkapuri, temple of, at Jamnagar, 27

Dyas, Ra, 58

Eabthqtjakb in Kathiawad in 1819, 197

East, Colonel, 196-97

Edal Khan Babi, 160

Edicts of Asoka, translation, 12-21

Edinburgh University, 243, 250

Education of chiefs' sons, question of,

222 ; education in the States, 250
Edward VII, coronation proclaimed, 259
Egypt, Buddhism in, 13
Elliot, Captain, 213
" Emperor of India," title taken by

Chandra Gupta, 11
" Empress of India," title assumed by

Queen Victoria, 232
England, visit of two Indian chiefs to,

243 ; the first Rani to visit, 250
Epirus, Buddhism in, 13
■ Bucratides, King of Bactria, 22

Fakhb-ttd-dowlah, Vicbbot of Gxtjabat,

129-30
Famine in Kathiawad 1813, 193; 1814,

194-95 ; 1825, 205 ; 1899, 254-55
Farukhsiyar, Emperor, 122
Fateh Khan, see Begarah
Fateh Mahomed, Battle of Pardhari,

152-53 ; attack on Nawanagar, 155-56 ;

descent upon Halar, 192-93
Fatehsinha Rao, Gaekwad of Baroda,

tribute paid by, 144-46 ; operations

against Nawanagar, 191
Fatehyab Khan, 133
Fenton, Captain L. L., 241
Firoz Taglak, Sultan, 74
Fitzgerald, Mr. P. S. V., 261
Fitzgerald, Sir Seymour, Governor of

Bombay, 224, 227
Forbes, Captain A. W., 245-252
Forbes, Mr. Kinlock, 213
Fouzdars of Sorath, 114-15

Gadh, Village of, 26

Gadhechi River, 177

Gadhra, 170

Gajsinhji, Jhala of Halwad, 125, 131, 132,

192
Gama, Vasco da, 48, 91
Gandhara, 15, 67
Ganges River, 52, 60
Gariadhar, 113, 116, 174
Gatu, 182
Gawrishankar Udayashankar, 223-24,

233-36
George V, visit to India, 262-63

^99

INDEX

'1 1

Ghanshyamsinhji, succession to Dhran-

gadhra, 262, 266
Ghazni, the loot of Somnath taken back
to, 65

Ghela Khuman, 198-99

Ghumli, to-wn of, 2, 4 ; Jethwa stronghold,
49 ; fall of, in twelfth century, 50 ;
Jadeja invasion, 99

Gir Forest, hills of, 2, 3 ; raiders of, 139-
40, 168 171-72, 198-99,, 1201-2, 205-6,
207-10, 216, 242, 247 ; visit of Prince
Albert Victor, 244 ; Jion hunting in, 260

Girassia College, 238, 265-66

Girassias, the, 230, 234

Girinagar, 23

Gimar, holy hill, 2, 7, 55, 58, 76

Gimar, fort of, 82, 83

Goa, 48, 91, 92, 98, 101

Godad Khawad, Kathi chief, 162, 175

Godavari River, 29

Godhra, 126

Godji, Rao, of Kachh, threats to Mera-
man, 149

Gogha, port of, 71, 116, 124, 126, 127,
256 ; captured by Mokheraji, 73 ;
restored to the Babis, 127, 128 ; under
the Marathas, 132 ; position, 137 ; the
Gohel's rights in, 183 ; tribute remitted,
194 ; claim of the Mamlatdar, 212 ;
jurisdiction of, 222

Goghasamdi, 172

Goha, King, 52-53

" Gohel," derivation of name, 72

Gohel Rajputs, the, 63 ; the settlement
in Saurashtra, 71-72

Gohels of Sihor, Maratha attacks on,
123-24, 127

Gohelwad, Rajputs of, 2 ; tribute to
Ahmad Shah, 78 ; Kathi raids on,
113-14; under Azam Khan, 115-16;
States comprised in, 256-57

Gokal Khawas, 192

Gokalji Jhala, Dewan of Junagadh, 214

Gokharwala, 258

Golan, 200

Gondal, 73, 107, 133, 147, 256 ; Jadejas
of, 100 ; overrun by Marathas, 154 ;
settlement of, 184 ; joint administra-
tion appointed, 235, 243 ; railways,
252 ; visit of Sir George Clarke, 262 ;
efficiency of, 265-66

Good Hope, Cape of, 91

Gop, 191

Gopnath, 167

Gordon, Lieutenant H. L., 217 ; pursuit
of outlaws and death, 247-49

Govardhan Rathod, plot of, 117-18

Govindji Gohel, 116

Govindji, Governor of Kutiana, 140, 142,
162

Grahario I, Ra (Graharipu), 55, 56, 57

300

Grahario II, Ra, 69

Grant, Captain, captivity of, 202-3

Greek power in the Punjab, 10 ; coins
in Western India, 22

Greeks driven out of Bactria, 23

Gufa in Gujarati, 52

Gugarala, village of, 200

Guhasena, son of Dharapatta, 39

Gujar Khan, 109

Gujar Nagirs, the, 236

Gujarat, 2, 6, 51, 56 ; Mahomedan raids,
70-71 ; rule of Muzafar Khan, 73-75 ;
revolt of Mahomedan nobles, 75-76 ;
ravages of Duda Gohel, 79-80 ; Maho-
medan rulers of, 80 ; ports of, 88 ;
overrun by Emperor Humayun, 96-97,
104 ; division among the nobles, 105 ;
Maratha raids, 121-31 ; Maratha rule
established, 131-34 ; British para-
mount in, 176 ; railway connexion
with, 237

Gunda, village of, 27

Gundaran, Kathis of, 169

Gupta Kings, 7 ; end of their rule in
Saurashtra, 31, 37

Habibmia, Outlaw, 246, 247

Hada Khuman, Kathi leader, 168, 172 ;
attack on Sihor, 173 ; surrender to
Wakhatsinhji, 176 ; rising of, 198-200

Hadiana, 192

Haider Kuli Khan, Viceroy of Gujarat,
122

Hala, Jam, 100

Halaji, Jadeja, of Pardhari, 128, 149

Halar, 1, 100, 152, 180, 256; taken by
Kutab-ud-din, 118 ; settlement of, 185 ;
Fateh Mahomed's descent on, 192 ;
area, 256

Halaria, 206

Halawad, see Halar

HaUad, 206

Haloji, Rana, deposes his father, 165 ;
Kandoma handed back to, 182-83 ;
asks British help, 190

Halwad, 66, 87, 88, 102; attacked by
Jam Jasaji, 112 ; raiding on, 113, 117 ;
renamed Mahomed-Nagar, 119-20 ; col-
lection of revenue, 122 ; villages given
to, 125

Hamed Khan 1, of Junagadh, and Amarjl,
136, 143, 146-7; and Meraman, 152,
155 ; and Rupoji Sindhia, 157-58 ; the
Arab mutiny, 160-61 ; fear of the
Amarji family, 161 ; appeal to Rag-
hunathji, 163 ; and Mukand Rao, 164 ;
tribute collected by, 165 ; appeal of
the sons of Ala Khuman, 169 ; fighting
with Wakhatsinhji, 174r-75; refuses to
purchase Kandoma, 181 : death, 1811,
190

H
H
H
H

^^"^'^Piiliilliiii^^

INDEX

Ilamed Khan II of Junagadh, 211

Hamed Sindhi, 161-62

Hamir, son of Ra Chuda, 55

Hamir Khasia, Zamindar of Waghnagar,

166-68 ; peace with Wakhatsinhji, 171
Hamir Sumro, 59
Hamirji of Kachh, 99
Hammick, Mr. S., 239
Hancock, Major F. de B., 264
Hanmart, Brao, 164
Hansoji, treachery of, 159-60
Hanuman, the monkey god, 49
Harbhamji, K. S., 229
Harbamji of Grohelwad, 116
Hardholji, brother of Jam Raisinhji, 124
Hardholji, brother of Jam Rawal, 100
Harisinhji of Bhavnagar, 229
Harpal Deva, 66-67
Harraj of Umeta, 65, 69
Harris, Captain, 217
Harris, Lord, Governor of Bombay, 245,

252
Harsha, rule of, 40
Harsur, son of Jogidas Khuman, 200
Harsur Wala of Bagasra, 200, 203
Hasan Jamadar, 194
Hashim Khan, 140
Hastinapur (Delhi), 54
Hathasni, 173

Hebbert, Captain Henry, 217, 219
Hemsted, Lieutenant, 217
Herat, headquarters of the Huns at, 37
Hill, Mr., 261, 263
Himalayas, 40, 44

Himat Ali Khan, Governor of Sorath, 127
Hindu laws against holding of land, 119 ;

laws against eating of flesh, 194—95
Hindu Khush, the, Alexander's crossing, 9
Hindus, oppression under Mahomedan

rule, 76-77
Hindustan invasion by Abdul Rahaman

Al Marri, 41
Hiouen Tsiang, pilgrimage of, 6, 38-41
Holi Festival celebration, 147
Holy places, 6-7
HomeritsB, the, 89
Honner, Colonel, sent against the Waghers,

215
Humayun, Emperor, of Delhi, 96-97
Humphrey, Major, 231, 235, 242
Huns, incursions into India, 32 ; attack

on Patliputra in 465, 37 ; invasion of

Magadh, 40
Hunter, Colonel J. M., 253, 255
Hussain, Emir, 92
Hygiene, Eighth International Congress

of, 250

IbN Asm, MUSALMAN HiSTOEIAN, 61
Ibrahim Khan, 159
Idar in Gujarat, 87

Imperial Service troops, formation of,

245
Inaj, outlaws of, 241-43
India, Hun invasions, 32 ; Portugese

settlements, 91-92
Indus, the, eccentricities, 5 ; passage forced

by Alexander, 9 ; tribes of, 53
Inscriptions, epigraphic, 9 ; rock, of

Asoka, 12-21 ; copper-plate at Wala,

38-39
Inspecting officers, appointment of, 245
Islamnagar (Nawanagar), IIS
Isvaradatta, Emperor, 28
Itimad Khan, Regent, 103-106

Jackal Island, see Shial Island

Jackson, Captain, 232

Jadav Jaswant, 130

Jadeja chiefs of Halawad, jealousy of
Meraman, 151

Jadeja Rajputs establishment in Saurash-
tra, 99-100

Jadejas, oppression of the Jethwas, 123

Jafar Khan (Safdar Khan), 126

Jafrabad, 5, 57 ; freedom from tribute,
187, 188

Jagat temple at Dwarka, 7

Jagatsinha, capture of Wanthali, 72

Jagjiwan Devji, 196

Jahan, Khan, name given to Mandlik III,
84

Jain writings, the, cited, 6

Jains, sects of the, 7

Jalam Singh of Nawanagar, 218

Jalia, 153

Jamadar Fakir Mahomed, 198

Jamadar Umar, 240

Jambura, village of, 209

Jamnagar, 27 ; modern name for Nawan-
agar, 252

Janjira, Nawab of, 187-88

Jarakhia, 175

Jarasandha, King of Magadh, 6

Jasa Khasia of Mahuva, 167-68, 171

Jasa Ladak, 108, 109

Jasaji, Jadeja, of Bhanwad, 198

Jasaji, Jam of Nawanagar, attacks on
Jhalawad, 111-12; tribute paid by,
113 ; succeeded by Jam Lakhaji 1624,
115 ; subordination to Meraman, 149-54;
attempt to escape, 154-55 ; overruns
country round Barda, 156-57 ; and the
sons of Bhawan Khawas, 157 ; Nawan-
agar methods, 180-82 ; ofiEer of Babaji
Apaji, 182 ; death of, 191-93, 196

Jasaji, Jam, son of Jam Lakhaji, 137

Jasal, daughter of Devaiyat, 59

Jasapur, village of, 246

Jasdan, 65, 95, 151, 181, 185, 256

Jasdan Stone, inscriptions on the, 26-27

Jasoji Jadeja, death of, 102-103

301

iHiiiiliiir"

INDEX

Jaswantsinhji Jhala of Dhrangadhra,
152, 153

Jaswantsinhji Jhala of Halwad, succes-
sion to Halwad, 119-20 ; his daughter
married to the Viceroy, 122

Jaswantsinhji of Jodpur, Viceroy of
Gujarat, 118, 119

Jaswantsinhji, Thakor of Bhavnagar, 212,
222, 223

Jaswantsinhji, Thakor of Limbdi, made
K.C.I.E. 1887, 244; further honours
1903, 259

Jaswatsinhji, Jam of Nawanagar, 252, 260,
261

Jawan Hard Khan of Sami-Munjpur,
132-33

Jawuba, Bai, schemes of, 136-37, 149-50

Jaxartes River, the, 23

Jayadama, Baja Kshatrapa Swami, 27

Jayadaman, son of Chashtana, 28

Jayamal River, 69

Jayashankar Lalshankar, Mr., 235

Jayasinha Chudasama, 69

Jayasinha II, Ra, 73

Jayasinha III, Ra, 76, 78, 79

Jehan, Emperor Shah, rule of, 114-15, 126

Jehangir, Emperor of Delhi, 111 ; visit to
Gujarat, 113

Jesalmir in Rajputana, 99

Jesar, village of, 201

Jetalsar, village of, 160, 244, 252, 256, 263

Jethwas tribe, history of the,48-54 ; loyalty
of the Mers to, 54 ; antagonism of the
Jadejas, 99 ; at Porbandar, 122

Jetpur, 142, 144, 145, 152, 158,-178, 185-86,
199-200, 256

Jetsinhji Jhala, of Jhalawad, 78-79

Jetwad, 256

Jhabal, village of, 207, 208

" Jhala," derivation of the term, 66

Jhalas, history of the, 66

Jhalawad, a division of Kathiawad, 2 ;
bestowed upon Harpal Deva, 66 ; suc-
cession of Raisinhji Jhala, 102-3 ;
attacks of Jam Jasaji, 111-12 ; raiding
in, 116-17 ; Maratha collecting expedi-
tions through, 179-80 ; States of, 256-
67

Jhali, the Rani, 112

Jhanjhmer, 167

Jhara, copper plates at, 38

Jhelum River, 9

Jhilaria, 153

Jhinjhuwada added to Ahmadabad, 201

Jiaji Jethwa, 175

Jijiba, Bai, 131, 132

Jira, village of, 207

Jivadaman, son of Damajada, 28

Jivadaman, Swami, 28

Jiwaji Shamraj, defeat by Amarji, 144-45

Jiwan Khan conspirator, 147

302

Jiwapur, Babaji Apaji at, 182

Jodho Manik, 215, 216

Jodia, 157, 180 ; flight of Arabs to, 196-97 ;
district given to Sundarji Shavji, 197

Jogidas Khuman, 199, 200, 205-6

John III of Portugal, 101

Jubah £[han, conspirator, 147

Julien, Stanislas, account of Walabhi,
41-42

Juma Gand, outlaw, 246, 251-52

Jumna River, 52

Junagadh, the State of, 4, 7, 27; the
Asoka Stone at, 9, 12 ; Uparkot, 56,
58 ; the Chudasama capital, 68 ; revenge
of Siddha Raj, 69; Ras of, 72-74;
Mahomedan Viceroy placed at, 74 ;
capital re-established at, by Ra Melak,
75 ; invaded by Ahmad Shah, 76-77 ;
captured by Begarah, 80-84 ; re-named
Mustafabad, 84 ; besieged under the
Viceroy Miraa AzLs Kokaltash, 109-11 ;
Babi rulers of, 126 ; seized by Sher
Khan, 127-30 ; proposed Maratha
governor for, 132 ; disorder on death
of Amarji, 157-58 ; tribute due to the
Marathas, settlement by Colonel Walker,
183, 232 ; terms with the British, 189 ;
Rang Mahal palace at, 193 ; claims on
Bhavnagar, 212 ; salute for Nawab of,
221 ; H.H. the Nawab of, at Delhi
Darbar 1877, 232-34 ; attacked by the
Mayas 1872, 239; Makraini outrages
1885, 241-43; visit of Prince Albert
Victor, 244 ; offer of troops from, 245 ;
Darbar 1892, 250 ; visit of Lord Sand-
hurst, 253 ; Arts College and Technical
Institution, 255 ; visit of Lord Eatchener,
261 ; visit of Sir George Clarke, 262 ;
visit of Lord Sydenham, 263 ; Corona-
tion Memorial Hospital for Women and
Children, 263 ; railways of, 263

Junaid, Arab ruler of Saurashtra, 41

Junwadar, village of, 200

Jursall, 211

Kachh, foembrly pabt of Saurashtea,
6 ; fort of Kanthkot, 61 ; rule of the
Jams, 99 ; pirates of the coast, 202 ;
outlaws in, 246

Kachh, Gulf of, 1, 2, 3

Kachh, Rann of, 5, 103

Kachh, the Rao of, 94, 103 ; surrender to
Muzafar Khan, 110-11 ; peace offerings,
144 ; appeal for British help, 191 ;
visit of the Governor of Bombay to, 247

Kadar Bax, outlaw, 242

Kadi, siege of, 163-64

Kala Bhati, 199

Kalandar Shah Khan, Jamadar, pursuit
of outlaws, 247-49

Kalian Hirji, 155

mmmmmmf^mmf^mii^^

INDEX

Kalian Sheth, Dewan of Junagadh, 162,
163, 175

Kalianpur, 231

Kalianrai Jetha Bakshi, 261

Kalinga, conquest by Asoka, 12

Kalingas, the, 19

Kalwa Gateway, in Junagadh, 68-69

Kamadeva, 44

Kamboja, 15

Eamribai, daughter of Jogidas E^uman,
200

Eanad, village of, 205

Kananj, 40

Kandhoji, Gohel of Gariadhar, 113, 171

Kandhoji, son of Unadji, 172

Kandhoji, Gohel of Falitana, sympathy
for the Kathis, 205, 206

Kandoma, state of, in 1807, 179 ; seized
by Makranis, 181-82 ; handed back to
Bana Haloji, 182-83; conquest by
Colonel Walker, 191 ; Arab revolt,
196-97

Kanoji Takpar, Maratha general, 129-30

Kantaji Kadam Bande, 123

Kanthad Wala, Kathi chief, 144

Kanthkot, fort of, in Kachh, 61-62

Kanyoji, 100

Kapparbhanj, 81

Karachi, 242

Karadia, village of, 247-48

Karan Baja, King of Anhilwad, 66

Karansinhji Jhala, of Wadhwan, 128,
129

Karansinhji, Thakor of Lakhtar, at Delhi
Darbar, 1911, 262-63

Kariana, town of, 151

Kama, 67

Kama Baja, 52

Elarsanji Jhala, 155

Karson Meher, 218

Kashmir, 60, 60

Kasyapagotra, the, 45

Katchchha, country of, 25

Kathiawad, the Jasdan Stone, 26-27 ;
Mers of, 53 ; entry of Colonel Walker,
1807, 177, 178, 185 ; plague and famine
in 1813, 193 ; earthquake in 1819, 197 ;
pirates on coast of, 202 ; famine, 1825,
205 ; chiefs of, 221 ; visit of Sir Philip
Wodehouse, 232 ; railways, 237 ; visit
of Prince Albert Victor, 244 ; States
included in, 256; Lord Lamington's
visits, 260-61 ; ports of, 265

Kathi tribe, the, opposition to the Marathas,
1 ; advent in Saurashtra, 67, 68 ; mar-
riage customs, 68, 186 ; defeat by
Khengar III, 70; raids on Gohelwad,
113-14; rising of, 115; raids on
Jhalawad, 117 ; plundering raids of,
120; the Khawad Kathis, 129; ex-
pedition of Meraman against, 150-51 ;

defeat of Kalian Sheth, 162 ; routed
by Wakhatsinhji, 169-72 ; attack on
Bhavnagar, 175; propitiated by Wak-
hatsinhji, 175-76 ; Jam Jasaji's dealings
with, 180 ; condition as found by
Colonel Walker, 185-89; attack on
Bhavnagar, 1807, 198 ; attack on Jesar,
201 ; raiding expeditions, 1825, 205,
206 ; Wajesinhji makes terms with,
206-7 ; of the Gir Forest, 210

Katpur, village of, 43

Kaurawas, the, 67

Kawat Ra, story of, 57-58

Kawat II, Ra, 69

Kay, Captain H. C, 261, 264

K&j&ji, Jadeja, of Morvi, 141

Kayat Fatehsinhji, 122

Kazi Fakhr-ud-din, 130

Keatinge, Colonel, Political Agent in
Kathiawad, 214, 216, 221-22, 224-29

Kennedy, Colonel W. P., Political Agent,
252, 255, 261

Keranti, 66

Kerianagar, village of, 144

Kesar-Deva, 66

Keshavji, servant, 213, 214

Kesoj, sold to Junagadh, 160

Kevalputra, 13

Khachar, son of Werawal, 68

Khachar Kathis, the, 170

Khageshri, fort of, 146

Khakhrabela, village of, 151

Khakhrechi, village of, 247

Khambhalia, 119, 150, 153, 156

Khanan, Khan, 94, 95, 103

Khandesh, 99

Khandhoji Gohel, 113

Khants, the, 81-82

Khara, 27

Kharagraha, brother of Siladitya I, 39

Kharagraha II, brother of Dhnivasena II,
39

Kharwas, 263

£[hawad Kathis, the, 67

Khawadji, son of Harpal Deva, 67

Khengar I, Ba, 65

Khengar II, Ea, 65 ; his vows performed,
68,69

Khengar III, Ra, 70-72

Khengar IV, Ra, defeat of the Maho-
medans, 72-73

Kherdi in Saurashtra, 106, 107

Khergadh, Gohels expelled from, 71

Khima Khasia, 171

Khimoji, Rana, 123, 125

Khiva, 59

Khoja Zulgar, 101

Khokata, village of, 97

Khuman, son of Werawal, 68

Khuman Kathis of the Gir Forest, 169-72 ;
raids of the, 199-200

303

I
I

illiliii

iilViliiilill

INDEX

Kincaid, Mr., ballad translated by, 219-20,
249

Kitchener, Lord, visit to Verawal, 261

Kodinar, 106, 161 ; consigned to the
Gaekwad, 192; captured by Waghers,
215

Koli tribe, the, 48 ; risings of, 115, 126,
138 ; descent on Dhrangadhra, 201

Konjli, village of, 208

" Kori," derivation of term, 115

Kosala, kingdom of, 10

Kotara, 193

Kotda Pitha, town of, 151

Krishna River, 29

Krishna, Temple of, on Gimar, 7

Kshatrapa, use of the title, 29

Kshatrapas, the Western, 23 ; list of,
27-28

Kshemraj, King, 51

Kubera, 44

Kukand, Rao, revolt, 164

Kukura, country, 25

Kulaipa, 26

" Kumar," Scjrthian use of the word, 50

Kumar Takhatsinhji, town of, 232

Kumaram Gupta, 31-32

** Kumarants," the, 50

Kumarapal of Anhilwad, 70

Kumbhoji, Jadeja, Gondal founded by,
1664, 100 ; viUages sold to, 124, 125 ;
Dhoraji sold to, 1754, 131 ; and Jawan
Hard Khan, 133 ; enmity towards Amarji,
141-42, 146-48, 158, 161 ; as a peace-
maker, 144, 177 ; Jetalsar and other
villages obtained by, 160

Kumpa Wala, a Kathi of Jetpur, Dal-
khania destroyed by, 139-40 ; the
Kathi revolt, 170 ; Chiital restored to,
176-76

Kundla, under Ala Khuman, 168-70 ;
Nawab Khan's rights to, 175 ; Kathis
of, 176, 178, 198, 201 ; Sedul Khasia's
escape from, 208

Kunkavao, 170

Kuntadevi, daughter of Bhin Godel, 79

Kunvarji, a Nagar Brahman, 136

Kunwari, 115

Kutab-ud-din, Aibak, 71

Kutab-ud-din, Fouzdar of Sorath, 118

Kutab-ud-din, Shah, 80

Kutiana, 130, 140 ; Khumbhoji advance
on, 146-47 ; besieged by Ranchodji,
163 ; mortgaged to Raghunathyi, 165 ;
Amarji'a son living at, 184

Kuwa, 66, 79 ; invested by Mahomed
Begarah, 86-87

Ladhxtbha ov Rajkot, 229
Lakha Ghurara, 99
Lakha, Jamadar, 219
Lakha Khuman, 199

304

Lakhadhirji, Parmar chief of Muli, plot
of, 87-88

Lakhaji, Jam 1768, 137

Lakhaji, Jam of Nawanagar 1624, subjuga-
tion, 115

Lakhaji, spurious son of Jam Tamachi, 129

Lakhtar, 67, 113

Lakshman, mutilation of, 223

Lalwad, 191

Lamington, Lord, Governor of Bombay,
tour of, 260-61

Lang, Colonel, Political Agent, 211-12

Lang Library, Rajkot, inscription, 248

Langala, plundered by Kathis, 172

Lassen, Dr., cited, 3-6

Lath, village of, 160

Lathi, 72, 175, 256 ; Gohels of, 80, 166,
170; Kathi superstition regarding,
198-99

Lavarda, 177

Laxman Meram, Wala Shri of Thana-
Devli, 263

Lely, Mr. F. S. P., administrator of
Porbandar, 243

Lester, Colonel, 232

Lichavis, rule of, in Tirhut, 30-31

Lilia, Kathis of, 169

Limbdi, 66, 163, 180, 224, 257, 266

Lions of Kathiawad, 6

Lisbon, expeditions from, 91

Loch, Lieutenant George, death, 211

Lodhika, robberies in, 246

Loliana, Battle of, 173-74

Loma Khuman, Kathi chief, 106-109 ;
raid on Gohelwad, 113-14

Luna, son of Ala Khuman, 168

Lytton, Lord, Viceroy and Governor-
General, the Darbar of 1877, 232

Macbdonu, Buddhism in, 13
Macnaghten, Mr. Chester, 226, 229, 252-53
Madhaji Sindhia, 157
Madhavpur, holy hill, 3, 7, 71 ; annexed

to Porbandar State, 125
Madhavrai Khushahrai, 162
Madhavsinhji, 223
Madhra, 172

Maga, King of Cyrene, 20
Magadh, once principal kingdom in North

India, 10 ; revolt of Chandra Gupta,

10-11 ; end of the Sunga dynasty, 23
Mahabalah defile, the, 82
Mahabat Khan, Nawab of Junagadh, died

1776, 132, 133, 136, 141, 143
Mahabat Khan, Nawab of Junagadh, 1859,

212-14
Mahabat Khanji, Nawab of Junagadh, died

1882, 238
Mahabat Khanji, Nawab of Junagadh,

1911, minority, 262; visit to England,

263 ; salute for, 233

imiii

«ii

INDEX

Mahabharat, the, cited, 5, 7

Mahadeva, temple of, Nawanagar, 155

Mahadji Sindhia, 162

Mahal^hatrapa Badradaman, 25

" Mahakshatrapa," use of the title, 29

Mahamed Taghlak Shah, 73

" Maharaja Raja Shri," title of, 234

Mahendra, son of Asoka, 13

Mahiari. fort of, 139

Mahi Biver, 6

Mahipal II, Ba (Gajraj), 69

Mahipal III, Ra, 69-70

Mahipal IV, Ba, 72, 79

Mahipal, V, Ba, 73, 74

Mahipatrao, 143

Mahmud of Ghazni, sack of Somnath, 51,
61,65

" Mahmudi," 115

Mahobatsingh Haribhai, 258-59

Mahomed and the temple of Somnath,
62

Mahomed Azam, 120

Mahomed Jan, 246

Mahomed Khan III, 99-101, 103

Mahomed Mahabat Khan, Nawab of
Junagadh, 211-12

Mahomed Nagar, see Halwad

Mahomed Bagi, 109

Mahomed Sayad, 120

Mahomed Shah, died 1451, 80

Mahomed Shah II, ruled 1526, 90, 93

Mahomed Shah Asiri, 99

Mahomed Tora, 169

Mahomedan ride in Kathiawad, 1-2 ;
Kings of Delhi, 48 ; influx into Sind,
53 ; overthrow of the Chudasama
dynasty, 55 ; destruction of Somnath
by, 62-64 ; settlement in Gujarat, 70 ;
invasion of Saurashtra, 71 ; defeat by
Ba Khengar IV, 72-73; rule estab-
lished in Saurashtra, 76-77 ; invasion
of Saurashtra under Mahomed Begarah,
82-84

Mahomedans, laws in favour of, 119

Mahuva, 43, 174 ; capture of, by Wak-
hatsiidiji, 167-68 ; troops of, 201 ;
Champraj Wala's designs on, 207 ; Arab
revolt in, 211

Maitraka clan, 52

Majethi, village of, 160

Majewadi, fort of, 162

Makan Bharti, 102

Makran country, the, 242, 243

Makranis, revolt of the, 181-82, 241-43

" Makwanas," the, name applied to the
Jhalas, 66

Male children, spurious, 117-18, 129

Malhar Bao, 155 ; revolt of, 164

Malia, 103, 159, 266 ; defeat of the Mianas,
141 ; Colonel Walker at, 180 ; outlaws
of, 239-41, 246

Malik Aiaz, Governor of Diu, 90 ; and
the Portugese, 92-93 ; sons of, 95, 96

Malik Bakhan, 88, 94

Malik Ilias, son of Malik Aiaz, 95

Malik Isa, servant, 117-18

Malik Ishak, son of Malik Aiaz, 93, 95

Malik Mahmud Bargi, 78-79

Malik Nasrat Jalisari, 71

Malik Toghan, Governor of Jagat, 86

Malik Toghan, son of Malik Aiaz, 96

Malwa, 30, 40, 41, 94

Mamaya Dhankhado, 174

Mamlatdar of Gogha, the, 212

Mamudia Sidi, 218

Manai Jam, 99

Manaji Gaekwad, 146-47

Manasgotra, 27

Mancharda, village of, 217

Manchu Katha, 256

Mandal, 66, 94, 256

Mandhav Hills, 3

Mandlik I, Ba, 70-72

Mandlik II, Ba, 74, 75

Mandlik III, Ba, and Duda Gohel, 79-80 ;
defeat by Mahomed Begarah, 81-84

Manek Chok of the bazaar, at Ahmadabad,
84

Manekwada, 266

Mangalji, son of Grovindji, 162

" Manglor," 4

Mangrol, 4, 63, 84, 95, 106, 197, 256;
captured by the Portugese, 96 ; the
Desais of, 125 ; Maratha representative
in, 130 ; invested by Amarji, 138 ;
Sheikh of, 159

Manguji, son of Harpaldeva, 66

Manohardas Trikamdas, conspirator, 147

Mansia, a Khant, 130

Mansinhji of Dhrangadhra, 221 ; salute
for, 233 ; death, 265

Mansinhji of Jhalawad, 94, 102

Mansinhji of Palitana, 229, 252, 259

Mansur Khuman, 199

Mansuriyah in Sind, 62

Marathas, naming the provinces of Kathia-
wad, 1, 68 ; raiding in Gujarat, 121-31 ;
establishment in Gujarat, 131-34 ; in-
cursion into Kathiawad, 1776, 144 ;
collection of tribute, 156, 161, 178-81 ;
the battle of Loliana, 172-73 ; repulsed
by Wakhatsinhji, 176-77; tribute due
from Junagadh, settlement by Colonel
Walker, 183 ; evils of the collection,
188-89

Marriage customs of the Kathis, 68,
186-87

Maru country, 25

Marwar, country of, 24, 53

Mary, Queen, visit to India, 262-63

Mascarenhas, Dom Joao de, 101

Maskat, Arab soldiers from, 196

ao5

INDEX

Mathak, 113

Mathnrs, 6

Matra Wala of Halaria, 206

Mawana. 160

Maya Punja, outlaw, 258, 259

Majras tribe, the, rebellion, 238-39

Mayne, Mr. C. J. W., of Rajkumar College,
260

Mayo College at Ajmer, 260

McMurdo, Captain, 201

Mecca, pilgrimages. 111

Megasthenes, writings of, 11

Mehta Khan, conspirator, 147

Melak, Ra, 75, 76, 78

Meli, village of, 160

Menander, conquests of, 22

Mendarda, town of, 186

Meraman Khawas, Dewan of Nawanagar,
136-37,142-45; enmity towards Amarji,
146-47 ; career of, 149, 150 ; expedi-
tion against the Kathis, 150-51 ;
jealousy of the Jadejas, 151-52 ; battle
of Pardhari, 153 ; and the Rao of
Kachh, 154 ; imprisonment of Jam
Jasagi, 154—55 ■ and Fateh Mahomed,
155 ; defence of Nawanagar, 1797, 166-
56 ; attack on Bhanwad, 156 ; death,
157, 180 ; and Ranchodi, 161

Meramanji, Jadejas of Rajkot, 151-52

Mers tribe, the, 48, 53-54

Merwara, 53

Mesan, the Charan, 65 ; and the vow of
Khengar, 69

Mian, Shiekh, of Mangrol, 130, 138, 139,
142

Mianas of Malia, defeat of, 141 ; outlawry
of, 210; robberies in 1883, 239-40;
revolt in 1891, 246-49; outbreak in
1894, 251 ; in 1903, 258-59

Mihiragula, King of Wala, 40

" Mirat-i-Sikandari," cited 80, 81, 83

Mirza Aziz Kokaltash plunders Nawan-
agar, 108-10

Mirza Isa Tar Khan, 116

Mirza Khalil Khan, son of Begarah, 86

Mirza Khan, march against Amin Khan,
105-6 ; made Viceroy in Gujarat, 106 ;
and the sons of Chandrfisinhji, 112

Missionaries, Buddhist, 13

Mitiala, 169, 198, 201, 207

Modji of Dhrol, 151-52

Modpur, 149, 191

Moghal Governors of Gujarat, 96-97 ;
disappearance of Moghal power in
Western India, 104

" Moksal," fine imposed on Bhavnagar,
207

Mokheraji, capture of Gogha, 73

Momin Khan Viceroy in Gujarat, 127-28,
131-32

Monasteries, Buddhist, 55

306

Monoglosson (Mangrol), 3-4

Monpur, 78, 171, 208, 209

Moon worship, 59-60, 61

Morarji, son of Amarji, 161-62

Morji, Jadeja, of Malia, 141

Morvi, 49, 95, 100, 108, 197, 256 ; Kathi

attack on, 151 ; Colonel Walker at,

179-80 ; earthquake havoc, 197 ; Thakor

of, 232, 235 : statue of Lord Beay at,

255
" Motap," 186-87
Motha, village of, 209
Moti Dharai, 172
Motiram Buch, rebellion of, 196
Movar Sandhwani of Malia, outlaw, 239-41,

246
Mubarik, Jamadar, 219
Muda, Jam, 99
Mukand Rao, 164
Mukhtiar Khan Babi of Bantwa, 143-44,

155, 160, 163
Muktasinha, Ra, 74
Mulavasara, tank at, 27
Mul-Dwarka, town of, 5
Muli, 87, 88, 90

Mul^iri Army, the, 181, 184, 185, 188
Mulraj, founder of the Solanki dynasty,

55-57
Multan, 61

Mulu Manik, 211, 216, 219-20
Mula Wala, son of Ala Khuman, 168-69,

200
Murtaza, Sheikh of Mangrol, 155
Mustapha, 96

Mutilation, a case of, 222-23
Mutiny, Wagher rising daring the, 215
Muzafar Khan, Nawab, 132, 133
Muzafar Khan, Sultan, attack on Saurash-

tra, 74—75 ; proclaims his independence,

75, 103 ; privilege of coining money

granted by, 115
Muzafar Shah, founder of Muzafarabad,

187
Muzafar Shah II, son of Begarah, 90, 93
Muzafar Shah III, misfortunes of, 103-111,

210
Muzafarabad, 187

Naqab Bbahmaks ov Junagadh, fined

by the Nawab, 162 ; ability of, 236
Nagar Desais of Wasawad, 164
Nagar Parkar in Sind, 66
Nagar Thatha (Saminagar), 54, 99
Nagarjana Jethwa, 49
Nagars, Visalnagar, 236^37
Nagdhaniba, village of, 206
Nagher, 256
Nagher River, 71
Nagnah Bandar (Nawanagar), 100
Nahapana, Emperor, 28, 29
Naik Haji Sajan, 248

INDEX

Naiu Bibi, 213-14
Nakshatra, the, 27
•« Nal," the, 5
Nanda, Jamadar, 210
Nandivelo HUl, the, 208
Nandkunvarba, Rani Saheb, 250, 263
Nanji Khawas, 137
Narbada River, 10, 40
Narpat, 99

Nareinhji, son of Wajesinhji, 208
Nasik, inscriptions at, 26
Nathaka, Supra, of Manasgotra, 27
Nathu Manik, depredations of, 231-32
Natwarsinhji, minority, 261
Nauroz Khan, 108, 109, 110, 210
Navi Bandar, 3, 184 , , ^

Nawanagar, 49, 66, 95, 108; plundered
by iBrza Aziz Kokaltash, 109-11 ;
tribute exacted by Azam Khan, 115;
renamed •' Islamnagar," 118 ; rule of Jam
Tamachi, 119; threats of Rao Godji,
149; besieged, 1797, 155; attack by
Fateh Mahomed, 156 ; Colonel Walker
at, 181 ; settlement of, 184-85 ; fall of,
1812, 191 ; salute for the Jam of, 221 ;
the new waterworks opened, 1876, 232 ;
the mint at, 232 ; visit of Sir Richard
Temple, 234; offer of troops from,
246; railways of, 262; visit of Sir
George Clarke, 262
Nazar Ali Khan Babi, 120
"Nazarana," 113, 115
Nearchos, 9

Nepal, visit of Asoka, 12
Nesri, village of, 198, 207
Nishada country, 26
Noehan I, Ra, died 1098, 58-59, 65
Noghan II, Ra, died 1098, 65, 68, 69
Noghan III, Ra, 69
Noghan IV, Ra, 72
Noghanji, eon of Kandhoji, 113, 114,

Northoote, Lord, Governor of Bombay,

255
Nur Mahamad Khalil, 97-98
Nur-ud-din, Governor of Talaja, 166
Nnr-ud-din, Nawab of Cambay, 1771,

relations with the British Government,

137-41
Nutt, Colonel H. L., 232, 243

Oqhad Wala, 206, 207

Okha,48, 51 ,^„ ^„

Okhamandal, outlaws of, 27, 142-43,

210-11, 215-20, 231-32, 266
Ollivant, Mr., 245
Ollivant, Sir Charles, 260
Opium, rules to regulate sale of, 253-54
Ormuz, 92
Oudh, 10
Outlaws, classes of, 210

revolt of the

the Asoka

" Outlaws of Kathiawad," translation,

quoted, 219-20, 231-32, 249
Oxford University, 250

Pahlava, son of Kulaipa, 26

Palanswa, fort of, 144

Palasina River, 24, 36

Palitana, 256, 257 ; attacked by Wakhat-
sinhji, 174 ; outlaws of, 205-6 ; plunder
of the Shrawak temples, 207 ; railways
from, 262 ; floods, 264 ; importance of,

266
Palitana, holy hill of, 2, 3, 7, 72, 70

Palumavi II, 30
Panchal, 71
Panchpipla, 146, 150
Pandawa brothers, the, 67
Pandya, 13
Parakara, country, 25
Pardhari, 128, 149, 161

Arabs, 196-97
Pardhari, battle of, 152-53
Pamadatta, mentioned on

Stone, 32, 34-36
Parr, Colonel, 235
Patau, 7, 51-52, 190 ; Anhilwad Patau m

Gujarat, 61 ; called Sompur, 60
Patdi, 66, 79
Pathabhai, 173

Patiala, meeting of chiefs at, 245
Patliputra, 10, 22 ; life in, 302-298 B.C.,
11 ; Asoka crowned at, 12 ; the capital,
15; erection of the fortress, 30; Hunnish
attack in 465, 37
Patna, 175
Pavar, 67

PeUe, Mr. J. B., 229, 232
Percival, Mr, E. H., 223, 234
Persian Gulf, trade, 265
Petlad jaU, 258

Peyton, Captain W. J., 252, 265
Philostorgius, Greek historian, cited, 89
Phula, Jam, 99

Physicians, Royal College of, 250
Pilaji Gaekwad, 123
Pingli, village of, 177
Pipal tree, the, 7

Pipawaw, visit of Prince Albert Victor, 244
Piplia, vUlage of, 194
Piprali, village of, 205
Piram Island, 5, 16, 48
Pitenihen, 16

Plague in Kathiawad, 1813, 193
" Political Agent," title of, changed, 256
Poona, Peshwa of, 138 ; revenue of, 131,
132; treaty with the British Govern-
ment, 1802, 176, 188-89
Popat Velji, 231

Porbandar, 3, 4, 7, 27, 49, 50, 256 ; Mers
of, 53; the Jethwas at, 122; head-
quarters of Rana Sultanji, 169 ; ravaged

307

U: J,. j..4>uiywpip|iiiii||r

INDEX

■ !, 1-

by Kalian Sheth, 163 ; Makranis revolt,

181-82; tribute due from, 182-83;

placed under British protection, 190 ;

earthquake havoc, 197 ; salute for

Rana of, 221 ; villages pillaged, 231 ;

railway from, 244 ; area, 257 ; joint

administration in 1907, 261 ; riots in

1912, 263-64
Porbandar Cement Company, 263
Portugese Settlements in India, 88-91 ;

opposition of Bahadur Shah, 94-95;

settlement at Diu Island, 94-99, 187
Positra, 142-43, 150, 210
Prabhas Patan, 4, 7, 51 ; Chaoras of,

56-57 ; temple of Somnath at, sacked

by li^ihmud, 59-65 ; plundered by

Jalesari, 71 ; under Ra Khengar IV, 72 ;

under the Musalmans, 76
Frabhashankar, a Nagar Brahman, 146
Pragji, son of Bhawan Khawas, 157
Pragmalji, Jam of Kachh, 100
Prajapati, the god, 60
Prakrit language, 12
" Prants," divisions of the peninsula, 256
Pratapsinhji, Jhalwa of Halwad, 124, 125
Prathiraj, son of Chandrasinhji, 66, 112 ;

sons of, 112-13
Prathiraj, son of Bana Haloji, 190
Prathirajji, 116-17
Priyadarsin, King, 13-21
Property, Kathi laws concerning, 186-87
Ptolemy cited, 3, 53
Punja Manik, 219
Punjab, the, Graeco-Bactrian Kingdom,

9 ; Kathi occupation, 67-68
Puranas, the, cited, 6, 21, 123
Purvadesa, 25
Pushpawati, Queen, 52
Pushyagupta Syena, Governor of Saurash-

tra, 11
Pushyamittra, King, 22

Qxjm, Mb, H. O., 260

BaBA, DAtrOHTEB OF EaJOBHABJI JhALA,
87

Rabaris tribe, the, 48, 64, 141

Races, the original, of Kathiawad, 6

Radhanpur, 107, 126

Raghunath Rao, 138

Raghunathji, son of Amarji, 142, 152,
153 ; and Meraman, 154-56 ; Dewan
of Junagadh, 158 ; overtures of the
Nawab, 159 ; imprisoned, 161 ; at Nawa-
nagar, 162 ; appeal of Hamed Khan to,
163 ; refuses help to Gaekwad of Baroda,
163-64 ; Kutiana mortgaged to, 165 ;
and Vithal Rao, 183-84 ; re-appointed
Dewan, 190-91 ; resigns Dewanship,
192 ; sends Ranchodji to help Jasaji,
192 ; party of, 193 ; sends help to

308

Bahadur, 194 ; treachery of Sundarj!
Shavji towards, 197

Ragoji, 66

Rahmat Khan, 158

Railways in Kathiawad, 237, 244, 252, 253,
262-63

Raimalji Gohel, 172

Raisinha Ra, 69

Raisinhji Jam, succession of, 118, 122, 124

Raisinhji Jhala of Dhrangadhra, 67, 125,
129

Raisinhji Jhala, son of Mansinhji, 102, 103,
111

Raivataka, the, 35

" Raja," title of, 233, 234

Rajasthanik Court, 230-31, 235, 254

Rajkot, the administrative capital of
Kathiawad, 2, 3, 100, 179, 216, 256;
Sordar district, 152 ; tribute paid by,
165; settlement of, 184; British
agency established 1820, 197-98 ; Raj-
kumar College built at, 222, 238;
administration, 224; Darbars at, 224,
232, 233, 245, 255, 259 ; railways from,
244, 252; the Lang Library, 248;
escape of Juma Gand from the jail,
251 ; Rasul Khanji Hospital, 253 ;
visit of Lord Sandhurst, 253 ; funeral
of Major Camegy, 260 ; importance of,
266

Rajkumar College at Rajkot, 222, 224-27,
232, 235, 238, 251, 253; mounted
squadron of boys of, 260-61

Rajodharji Jhala, 87-88

Rajoji Jhala, flight, 113

Rajpipla, 106, 107

Rajput chiefs, 2, 48 ; titles used by, 234

Rajputana, Mers of, 63

Rajala, under Wakhatsinhji, 167-68 ;
fall of, 174, 175

Ramji, treachery of, 78

" Rana," title of, 233, 234

Ranawao, 163, 211

Ranawaw quarries, 263

Ranchhodji, son of Amarji, 147, 156 ;
Battle of Agatrai, 160 ; rebellion against
the Nawab, 160-61 ; defeat of Mad-
havrai, 162 ; defeats Kalien Sheth, 163 ;
captures Amreli, 164; gives help to
Jasaji, 192 ; sends help to Bahadur, 194

Rang Mahal palace at Junagadh, 161, 193

Rani, the first to cross the sea, 250

Ranik Devi, death of, 69

Ranjitsinhji, Jadeja, Jam of Nawanagar,
250-51, 261; at Delhi Darbar, 1911,
262 ; in France, 264 ; as a ruler, 266

Ranmalji, Jam, of Nawanagar, 117-18,
198, 221

Ranmalji of Khirasara, 151-52

Ranmalsinhji of Dhrangadhra, 221

Ranoji Jhala, 87-88, 94

INDEX

Banpor, 49, 72, 133; the Gohel's rights
in, 183 ; tribute remitted, 194 ; claim
of the Mamlatdar, 212 ; joridiction of,
222 ; bandits, 258

Bashtrika, 16

Baspadara, 27

Basul Khanji, Nawab of Janagadh, 259,
261, 262

Basul Khanji Hospital, Bajkot, 253

Batanji chief at Sihor, 124

Bathods, the, 53, 71

Batnaditya, King, 51

Batnaji Bai, 124-26

" Bawal," title of, 233, 234

Bawal Hala, Jam, 99-100

Bawal Takhatsinhji, of Shavnagar, 233

" Bawat," title of, 233, 234

Bayadhanji Ba«.> of Kachh, 152, 155

Beay, Lord, Governor of Bombay, 244, 255

Bendall, Mr. H. D., 262

Bevaji, 100

Bewashankar, Dewan of the Nawab, 184

Bewat, King of Saurashtra, 6

Bewati, daughter of King Bewat, 7

Bejmolds, Major, 218

Biots at Porbandar, 1912, 263-64

Bohini constellation, 60

Boyal Society, the, 250

Boza Kuli, deputy to the Viceroy, 122

Budo, a Babari, 211

Budra Baja Mahakshatrapa Bhadramukha
Swami, 27

Eudrabhuti, 27

Budradama, Baja Kshatrapa Swami, 27

Budradama Baja Mahakshatrapa, 27

Budradaman, grandson of Chastana,
Viceroy, 30

Budradaman, son of Jayadaman, 28

Budradaman, Swami, 28

Budrasena Baja Mahakshatrapa Bhadra-
mukh Swami, 27

Budrasena Baja Mahakshatrapa Swami, 27

Budrasena, son of Budrasinha, 28

Budrasena, son of Viradaman, 28

Budrasena, Swami, son of Swami Budra-
daman, 28

Budrasena, Swami, son of Swami Sin-
hasena, 28

Budrasinha, King, attacked by Chandra
Gupta II and killed, 31

Budrasinha, son of Budradaman, 28

Budrasinha, Swami, son of Swami Satya-
sinha, 28

Bukmini, 7

Bupde, Kathi woman, 68, 186

Bupoji Sindhia, 157, 184

Sadashiv Bamchandea, 132

Sadul Khasia of Monpur, plunder by, 207 ;
escape of, from Kundia, 208-9 ; retire-
ment, 209-10

Sagara, 46

Saheb, Thakor, 234

Saheba Sultan Bibi, 132, 133, 138

Sahebji, Jadeja, 103

Sahebzada Bahadur Elhanji, 232

Saidpur, village of, 86

Sajoji, Jhala, 87-88

Saka rulers of Saurashtra, 29, 31

Sakas, nomad tribe, 23

Sakastene, see Seistan

Sakhayats, 68 ; marriage customs, 186

Sakhur Makrani, 219

Sakuni, King of Gandhara, 67

Salabat Mahomed Khan Babi, Moghal

Commander in Gujarat, 124-25 ; account

of, 126-27
Saldi, 170

Salim, Jamadar, 194
Salmin, Jamadar, 136, 142
Sahnon, Captain, 231, 241
Salt manufacture, regulation of, 243
Salutes, conferment of, 221
Salutes for chiefs, scale of, laid down, 233
Samadhiala, 206

Samarkhandi, Madmud, the Mullah, 84
Samas tribe, the, 54, 99
Samat Khuman, Kathi chieftain, 116
Samatkhanji, K. S., 229
Samatsinha, King, 51, 56
Sami-Minjpur, 132, 133
Saminagar (now Nagar Thatha), 54
Samudra Gupta, 31
Sandha, Jam, 99
Sankara, devotees of, 43, 44, 45
Sandhurst, Lord, tour of, 253
Sandrocotus, King of the Prasii, see

Chandra Gupta
Sanghadaman, son of Budrasinha, 28
Sangram, son of Bhawan Khawas, 157
Sangram IQiawas, defeat of, 196-97
Sangan Wadhel of Dwarka, 79
Sanghji Baizadah, Jagirdar of Chorwad,

159
Sanka, Bana, of Chitor, 93
Sankhodhar, attack by Mahomed Begarah,

85-86
Santhali, town of, 151
Saranji Gohel, taken as hostage to Ahma-

dabad, 78
Saraostos, see Saurashtra
Saras (a hunter), 7

Sarbuland Khan, Umbariz-ul-Mulk, 124-26
Sardar Khan, Fouzdar of Sorath, 118, 120
Sardar Mahomed, son of Sher E^an, 129
Sardar district of Bajkot, 152
Sarel, Major G. B. M., 264
Sataji, brother of Jam Jasaji, 100, 154 ;

appeal for British help, 178, 180, 191,

196-97 ; succeeds his brother Jasaji,

193, 196 ; death, 198
Satakami, Lord of Dakshinapatha, 25

309

**■

INDEX

Satarsal, Jam, of Nawanagar, 105-109 ;
flight to the Barda Hills, lOft-10 ; the
battle of Buchar Mori, 113—14 ; privilege
of coining money granted to, 115

Satarsalji .Hiala, 116 ; revolt of, 75-76

Satchidanand, Saraswati Swami, name
given to Mr. Gawrishankar, 236

Sati (fetish of), 69

Satraps, the, see Kshatrapas

Satyaputra, 13

Satyasinha, Swami, 28

Saudhmittra, daughter of Asoka, 13

Saukara, devotion to, 39

Saurashtra, ancient name of Kathiawad,
4 ; city of, capital of the province, 4 ;
ejrtent, 6 ; descent of Alexander, 9-10 ;
under Chandra Gupta, 11 ; conquest
by Menander, 22 ; Saka rulers, 23, 29 ;
rule of Rudradaman, 30 ; end of the
Gupta rule, 31 ; the Walabhi dynasty,
37-38 ; Arab invasion of, 40, 41 ;
early inhabitants of, 48 ; the Chaoras,
51 ; settlement of the Kathis, 67 ;
invasion by Alaf Khan, 71 ; settlement
of the Gohel Rajputs, 71-72 ; rule of
the Ras, 72-74 ; Mahomedan incursions,
1394, 74, 75, 76, 77 ; tribute paid to
Ahmad Shah, 78 ; conquest by Mahomed
Begarah, 80-84 ; name changed to
Sorath, 84 ; ports of, 88 ; establish-
ment of the Jadeja Rajputs, 99-100 ;
decline of the Moghal rule, 131 ; name
changed to Kathiawad, 133

Saurastrene, Greek name for Kathiawad, 1

Savama Sinata River, 24

Sayad Ahmad Gilani, 121-22

Sayad Kasim, 108, 109, 110

Sayad Mahomed Shah, 120

Sayad AIwi-bin-Edrus Jamadar, honours
for, 217, 218, 219

Sayla, 67, 129

Scott, Colonel, 231, 235, 242

Scythians, the, 49, 50

Sedarda, 171

Seistan, the Saka dynssty, 23

Sejaki, ruler of the Gohels, 71-72

Sejakpur, 72

Servants, paid State, 221

Sewa Wadhal, 110, 210

Shahbaz, Khan, 126

Shahjio, son of Malik Bakhan, 94

Shahpur, granted to Sejaki, 71

Shahrwadi, Khan, Governor of Sorath, 120

Shankar, city of, 62

Shankardas, a Nagar Brahman, 112

Shankhodhar Island, 210

Shapur-Bantwa Railway, 262

Shatrunji River, 3, 138, 206, 256

Shatrunjaya Hill, temples plundered, 207

Shavji, Shah, 155

Shekhpat, 118

310

Sher Khan Babi, son of Bahadur Khan,
126

Sher Khan Babi, son of Salabat, Deputy
Governor of Sorath, 127-28 ; assumes
title of " Bahadur Khan," 129-30 ;
death, 132 ; sons, 140

Sher Zaman, Khan, of Bantwa, 139

Sheshabhai Jhala, son of Raisinhji Jhala,
67, 129 ; at Sayla, 131

Shewakram, Bhawanishankar, 200

Shial (or Jackal) Island, 5

Shil Bagasra, 84, 139

Shil Kumar Jethwa, 50

Shiladitya VII of Walabhi, 52, 72

Shiva, worship of, 60

Shivram Kamedan, 164 ; Meraman asks
his help, 156 ; the battle of Loliana,
172-74

Shiyal Island, taken by the Portugese,
48, 101 ; the prison on, 57-58

Shortt, Captain, 213

Shramans, 17, 18

Shrawak temples, plunder of, 207

Shrawana, the Nakshatra, 27

Shrinagar, village of, 4, 50 ; Jethwas of, 49

Shujat Khan, Viceroy, 120

Siao Ching, 41

Siddha Raj Jaisinha, 64, 65, 68, 69, 70

Sidi Hilal of Surat, 187-88

Sidi Nawab of Janjira, 187

Sidis, the, 187

Sihor, 39, 72, 113 ; Kathi attacks, 171-74 ;
advance of Babaji Apaji on, 176-77 ;
railways, 262 ; Maratha attacks on,
123-24

Sihor range of hills, 2

Sikandar Shah, 90

Sikandra Bagh, near Agra, 111

Sikatavilasini River, 35

Siladitya, King of Kanya Kubja, 41

Siladitya, King of Malwa, 41

Siladitya I-VII, 39

Silveira, Dom Antonio da, 100-101

Sind, 59 ; Mahomedan influx into, 53 ;
Taghan's flight to, 73

Siudh Sauvira, 25

Sinhapura, Brahmans of, 39

Sinhasena, Swami, 28

Skanda Gupta, 32, 33, 37, 40

Skandhabhatta, 46

Sladen, Mr. J., 263

Sodana, 231

Sohrab Khan, 127

Solankis, the, 56, 70, 236

Somnath, temple of, 51-52, 56-57 ;
destruction of, 69-63 ; the present
temple, 63-64 ; plundered by Jalesari,
71 ; restored by Khengar IV, 72 ; re-
duced by Muzafar Khan, 74 ; pilgrims,
79 ; visit of Lord Curzon, 255

Songadb, 256, 258

INDEX

" Sorath," 1

Sorath, division of Kathiawad, 2, 256 ;
establishment of Musalman rule, 86 ;
allotted to Tatar Khan, 105 ; invasion
by Kokaltash, 109-111 ; under Azam
Khan, 115 ; states included in, 266 ;
area, 266-57

Souter, Mr. W. L. B., 247, 251-52

South African War, use of the Imperial
Service troops, 245

Sowar Ramchandar, 247-48

Sthiramati, the, 42

Stow, Captain, 216

Strabo cited, 22

Strong, Major H. S., 264

" Stupas," 41

Sudama Puri, 7, 123

Sudarsana Lake, the, 11, 20 ; bursting of
the, record, 23-36

Suleman Pasha, 100

Sultanji Jhala, 66, 113, 116-17

Sultanji Rana of Chhaya, 123, 140, 175 ;
and Amarji, 146-47 ; the Bethali
Affair, 160 ; defeat by the Nawab,
15&-60 ; and Mangalji, 162 ; deposed,
165, 183

Sun, temple of the, Shrinagar, 50

Sun worship, 52, 68

Sundara Lake (Sudarsana), 36

Sundarji Shavji, 192-93, 197, 203

Sunga dynasty, the, 22

Sunjar Khan, see Alaf Khan

" Surashtra," 25, 26

Surat, 137 ; sack of, 101 ; trade of, 124

Surmaya, King of Egypt, 20

Surya, devotees of, 44

Susa, 10

Sutrapada annexed to Junagadh, 142 ;
taken back by the Nawab, 168 ; restora-
tion, 160 ; Wagher outlaws at, 215

Suvisakha, Minister, 26

S'vabhra, 25

Syamotika, 28

Sydenham, Lord, 263

Syria, Buddhism in, 13

Taghan, Rebeixion op, 73

Taghlak Khan, Governor of Morvi, 82,

95
Tahir, Sheikh, 146
Takhatsinhji of Bhavnagar, minority of,

223; first pupil of Eajkumar, 229;

gift to Bajkumar College, 235 ; honours

for, 238, 243, 245-46, 250 ; death, 252
Talaja, stronghold of, 138, 140-41 ;

refused by Akherajji, 166; pillage of,

207
Talbot, Captain J., 255
Talukdari Girassia School at Wadhwan,

238
Talukdars, 216

Tamachi, Jam, at Nawanagar, 119; suc-
cession of, 124-25 ; refuses to x'^y
tribute, 128, 129 ; assassination of, 149

Tambe, Rao Bahadur, A. S., 261

Tamraparni, the, 14

Tana, 206 ; Kathi march on, 171-72

Tatar Khan, first Thanadar of Sorath, 86

Tatar Khan Ghori, Sorath allotted to, 105

Tatar Khan of Gujarat, 75

Taxes imposed on Sorath, 111

Temple, Sir Richard, visit to Kathiawad,
1877, 234

"Thakor," title of, 233, 234

Thar, 67, 120, 185, 246

Thanadars, office of, 84, 257

Thana-Devli, 263

Thanesar, Raja of, 40

Thatha, 73

Theophilus, the Indian, 89

Thoban of Poona, 144

Timana, 206

Timbdi, village of, 194

Timur, capture of Delhi, 74-75

Tirhut in North India, rule of the Lichavis,
30

Titles, Indian, 233-34

Tobar Hill, 218, 219

Toramana, Hun ruler of Malwa, 40

Touche, Captain Charles La, 217, 218, 219

Trahuda, village of, 125

Tudor-Owen, Mr. W., 263

Tulsishyam, holy hill, 3, 7

Tungabhadra River, 47-48

Tupaspa, a superintendent, 24

Turks, blockade of Diu, 100

Ujjaik, 11, 13, 28

Umar Jamadar Mukhasam, 193-94

Umeta, 69

Umrala district, 172

Una, 146, 163, 208

Unad, Jam, 99

Unadji Gohel, of Palitana, opposition to
Wakhatsinhji, 171-72 ; attack on Sihor,
173-74 ; peace with Wakhatsinhji, 177

Und-Sarveya, 256

Uparkot Citadel, 27, 55, 82, 83; seized
by Wasant Rai, 130 ; Mahabat Khan
confined in, 132 ; seized by the Arabs,
133

Upleta, town of, 100, 107, 133, 141, 146,
197, 203

Urjayatachala, the, 36

Urjayata Hill, 24, 35

Vacharaja, Parmar Rajput, 89
Vadnagar, 236
Vahapalikasthali, 45
Vai Sya, Pushyagupta, 24
Vaishradeva, the, 45
Valajal, village of, 247

311

iMi

ilil

ppippi

INDEX

Vanijaka, 27

Varuna, 34

Vasawad, Nagars of, 236

Vassal States, contribution by, 113

Vedas, ruling of the, 19

Velawadar, 114

Velji, Mr. Popat, made Rao Bahadur, 231,
232

Veniraja, 89

Verawal, 4, 5, 7, 111, 138, 158 ; captured
by Rana Sultanji, 159 ; ravages of
Marathas, 161 ; visit of Prince Albert
Victor, 244 ; visit of Lord Elitchener,
261 ; visit of Lord Sydenham, 263

Vibhoji, son of Jam Sataji, conquest of
Rajkot, 100

Vibhoji, Jam, of Nawanagar, punishment
of recalcitrant levies, 219 ; reforms
under, 221 ; the mint at Nawanagar,

232 ; salute for, 233 ; death, 252
Victor, Prince Albert, visit to Kathiawad,

244-45
Victoria, Queen, " Empress of India,"

232; Jubilee, 1887, 244; Diamond

JubUee, 1897, 253
Vijayasena, son of Damasena, 28
Vijpuri, village of, 207
Vikmatji, Rana, capture of Mangrol, 130 ;

mutilation by, 223 : flag presented to,

233 ; deposed, 243-44 ; death, 255
Vilivayahura II, 29-30

Vincent, Dr., cited, 3

Vira Khuman, son of Ala Elhuman, 168

Vira Wala, 170

Viradaman, son of Damasena, 28

Viramdeva Parmar, Rajput chief,

prisoners of, 57—58
Viramgam, 94, 108, 126, 256
Virji, servant to Naju Bibi, 213—14
Visaldev Chohan, 236
Visalnagar, Nagars of, 236—37
Visawadar, 203
Vishakha, a priest, 43
Vishnu, temples to, 32, 36
Vishwarah, 55

Vishwasena, son of Bhartradaman, 28
Vishwasinha, son of Rudrasena, 28
Visoji Gohel, 171 ; capture of Sihor, 113
Vithal Rao, Dewan of Baroda, 192 ; and

Raghunathyi, 183-84 ; party of, 193
Vithalrai Himatram Dave, Rao Bahadur,

263

Wad ALA, 217

Wadasinor (Balasinor), 126, 129, 197, 203

Waddington, Mr., 260

Wadhwan, 66, 69, 113, 256, 260; Darbar

held at, 221 ; railways of, 237, 260 ;

the Talukdari Girassia School, 238 ;

visit of Lord Sandhurst, 253 ; area, 257 ;

importance of, 266

312

Wadwa, village of, 124

Wagad, territory of Kachh, 144

Wageswari gate of Uparkot, 136

Waghers outlaws, activities of the, 154,
210-11, 214-20

Waghi, Sir, of Morvi, 262

Waghji, Jadeja, of Morvi, 144, 229, 233,
235, 243-44, 253, 259, 266

Waghoji Jhala, rebellion of, 86-87

Waghnagar, Zamindar of, 166-68

Wajesinhji Gohel succeeds Wakhatsinhji
in Bhavnagar, 195 ; discovery of, 199—
200 ; pursuit of the Kathis, 1825, 205-6 ;
terms with the Kathis, 206-7; fines
Sadul Elhasia, 207; pursuit of Sadul
Khasia, 208-9 ; death, 212

Wajsur Khachar of Jasdan, 151, 170-71,
180-81

Wajsur Khuman of Bhamodra, 207-8

Wakaner, 117, 246, 266

Wakhatsinhji, Gohel of Bhavnagar, 137,
138, 152 ; and Morarji, 161-62 ; as ruler
of Bhavnagar, 166-68 ; affairs in
Kundla, 16^71 ; rout of the Kathis
170-72 ; Battle of Loliana, 172-74
fighting with Hamed KJian, 174-75
propitiates the Kathis, 175-76 ; friend
ship with the British Government, 176
repulse of Babaji Apaji, 176-77 ; rights
reserved to, 194 ; death, 194-96
reputation of, 265

Wakhatsinhji of Limbdi, 229

Wala, 6, 38, 39, 52, 256; copper plate
inscriptions at, 38-39 ; Grohels of, 72,
170

Wala, son of Werawal, 68

Wala Kathis, the, 170

Wala Khimoji, Grovemor of Talaja, 167

Wala Namori, Miana outlaw, 24ft-49

Wala Rajput, descendant of Werawal, 186

Wala Ram, 54-55

Wala tribe, the, 48, 52

Wala Uga, of Talaja, 57-58

Wala Vajsur Valera, 261

Walabhi, account of, by Stanislas Julien,
41-42 ; downfall of, 42-46

Walabhi dynasty, the, 6, 38—40 ; grants
of land by, methods of giving, 9 ; names
of the Kings, 38-39

Walhabinagar, city of, 37-38

Walak, 256

Walardi, village of, 200

Wales, Prince of, visit to India, 260-61

Walker, Colonel, advent in Saurashtra,
164-165; entryinto Kathiawad, 177-81,
185 ; advance against Kandoma, 182—
83 ; settlement of Bhavnagar, 183-89,
236 ; effect of his administration,
197-98 ; destruction of Positra, 210

Wamansthali, see Wanthali

Wanani Girassias, the, 172

■i-li^s^A-'-'-T''-'''^,-?

INDEX

Wanchurda, village of, 219

Wanda, 199

Wankaner, 66, 113, 256; railway from,
244

Wanraj, Chaora Eong, 51

Wanthali, 4, 37 ; the Chudasama dynasty,
54-57 ; captured by Dula Eaj, 58 ;
Chudasama capital removed from, 68 ;
capture by Jagatsinha, 72 ; recovered
by Mahipal, 74 ; capital of the Ras,
74r-75 ; attack of Ahmad Shah, 76-77 ;
Maratha attack on, 130 ; taken by
Amarji, 143^44 ; Arab defence of, 158,
159 ; seized by Madhavxai, 162 ; be-
sieged by Babaji Apaji, 164 ; escape
of the Nawab Mahabat Khan to, 214 ;
army headquarters at, 217

Waral, Battle of, 175 ; attack by Sadul
Khasia, 208

Wasai invested by Baroda troops, 215

Wasan, son of Devaiyat, 59

AVasant Rai, 130

Wasjur Khachar of Jasdan, 176

Watson, Colonel, 57, 234-35, 243

Wazir Khan appointed to subjugate

Sorath, 105
Werawal, story of, 68
West, Colonel, 243

Widha Mamk, outlaw, exploits of, 211, 215
Wikamshi Wala of Jetpur, 200
Wilson, Captain, expedition in 1824, 204
Wirsinha, King, 51
Wisal, Minister of Ra Mandlik, 81, 82
Wodehouse, Captain, 231
Wodehouse, Sir Phillip, Governor of

Bombay, visit to Kathiawad, 232
Wriket, King, 52

Xavibb, St. Francis, 101

Yadhisthira, 67

Yasodaman, son of Damasena, 28

Yawan, 15, 20, 24

Yograj, King, 51

Yuehchi tribe, 23

Yule, Colonel, cited, 3-5

Zenana Influence, 222

Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson & Co. Ltd

At the Ballantyne Press

London and Edinburgh

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London : WP Heinemann.

StanlVnds ffeoaraphEsinJi-^London,.

iiPiiPP^wwwPPiiliiispi

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Date Due

■AY 1 6 It^

Remington Rand

nc. Cat. no. 1139.

YALE,, UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 02960 2084

MT2Z
WG4if)

■ft

The hlatory of KfttMawad from tba
^'^'-'^ earliest timea.

fillierforce-Bell, Harold

UT2Z

AUTHOR

DATE DUE

Pg» t 7 ' ■yn

BORROVv-ER'S NAME

-3-^^ Q.ff'^^-K-

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